ABSTRACT-Mingling Tongues: Code switching/mixing Practices of North American Bilinguals

ABSTRACT
http://www.soa.ilstu.edu/anthropology/theses/cerqua/Mingling%20Tong...
ABSTRACT
Mingling Tongues: Code switching/mixing Practices of North American Bilinguals
By: Stephanie Cerqua, Anthropology/Illinois State University
Faculty Advisors: Dr. Stanlaw, Dr. Alstrum, and Dr. G. Bessa

What motivates North American bilinguals to use both English and Spanish in their daily discourse
while studying abroad in Mexico? There are many driving forces that influence linguistic choice; language
proficiency is only one of the many forces. Group identity, solidarity and ethnicity are the social forces
emphasized here. This paper analyzes the English/Spanish linguistic perspective of this language and culture
contact situation. Through participant observation I document how North American bilinguals use both of
their linguistic repertoires during immersion programs in two different locals: Cuernavaca and Taxco,
Mexico. This paper focuses on code switching/code mixing practices of North American bilingual college
students, and the formation of identity as influenced by language usage. My intent is to bring attention to the
need for research of the English/Spanish linguistic and cultural interchange from both the Hispanic American
and North American perspective. This study demonstrates that many of the sociolinguistic variables involved
in a contact situation are in a constant state of flux: a negotiation between speakers holding a variety of
identities, norms, and rules.
INTRODUCTION
I walked into the courtyard of the school, Universal and I was surrounded by members of my peer group,
North American bilingual college students. I thought making friends would be easy. I walked up to a group of
students (Group #1) and introduced myself. ¿Qué pasa? Me llamo Stephanie. I was greeted with smiling faces
but the smiles slowly faded away when I continued speaking in Spanish. As an anthropologist in the field for
the first time, I quickly became aware of what it felt like to be an outsider. Initially, I was excluded from this
group as a consequence of speaking exclusively in Spanish. I later learned that (Group #1) preferred using
English or a combination of English and Spanish. According to Myer-Scotton (1993: 475), social forces of
specific groups decide what linguistic codes are accepted and deemed appropriate in certain situations. I
propose to examine the usage and patterns of code switching/code mixing used by North American bilingual
college students by conducting a comparative analysis between two different immersion programs in Mexico.
These two immersion programs are also located in two different cities. Universal is the language institute in
Cuernavaca and the Center of Teaching Foreigners (CEPE) (Centro de ensenanza para extranjeros) is located
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in Taxco. It is my hypothesis that language usage of these bilinguals varies in the two locations. The bilingual
students from both locations practiced variations of code switching, but code mixing was only practiced in
Taxco. The usage of code switched words and phrases from American slang were used at both locations, but
only by male participants. In addition to the usage of American slang within their Spanish three male
participants in Taxco
also created a list of code mixed words. Overall English was spoken more than Spanish. English or
combinations of English/Spanish were the preferred language codes. The code switched phrases by
participants in Cuernavaca
contained almost complete sentences in English with very few Spanish words inserted into them. This type of
code switching also occurred in Taxco
and also phrases almost entirely in Spanish with very few English words inserted.

This observation was reached after conducting an eight week ethnography in Mexico (June-August 2002),
which entailed participant observation inside and outside the second language classroom setting, and the tape
recording of natural language usage. At both locations North American college students studying Spanish as
their second language were the main focus in this study. In addition to the tape recording of natural language
usage, each student participated in a semi-structured interview. These interviews along with my field notes
establish their social motivations to code switch or code mix. “Code switching is defined as changing from
the use of one language to that of another with in a single speech event. Code switching involves the
movement, whether psychologically or sociologically motivated, from one discrete code (language or dialect)
to another within a communicative event” (Fishman 1989:181). For example, “Wow I am really tired porque
I haven’t slept nada all night.”
Code mixing on the other hand means, “the blending of two separate linguistic systems into one linguistic
system” (Field 1994:87). An example of code mixing is:
Ripoffear- Ripoff/ear
Ripoff-English slang ear- Spanish suffix and common verb ending
Meaning was attributed by group members within Group #2 (See page #7) - To take advantage of someone
financially
Literature Review
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Figure #1 (Adapted version from Torras, Maria-Carme and Joseph Gafaranga 2002: 530)
A very helpful analogy to clarify the differences between code switching and code mixing comes from
chemistry. Code switching is similar to the phenomena of suspension where the material is mixed into a
suspended medium wherein the parts eventually separate and settle out of the mixture. Code mixing is
comparable to the phenomena of a solution where a type of bonding occurs that prevents the mixed elements
from separating (Field 1989: 87). Upon the completion of my study, the tape-recorded conversations were
transcribed and analyzed to determine overall patterns of code switching code mixing. In the analysis of these
tapes and the feedback provided by the participants, this study demonstrates that the social forces that
influenced language interchange were group solidarity, acceptance and identity. The main motivations to
switch or mix are: to joke, means of expression, lack of language knowledge, change in members and to
maintain a sense of comfort. This study builds upon the present literature, which uses code switching as a set
of static parameters and shows that many of these sociolinguistic variables are actually in a constant state of
flux: a negotiation of identity between speakers holding a variety of identities, norms, and rules.
Over the last three decades there has been extensive research done on language and culture contact or
interchange. Myers-Scotton, Auer, Stacks, Gumperz, and Poplack are just some of the scholars that have
made great contributions to the literature. Although there is a vast literature on this topic, there are no
uniform definitions of the concepts that explain these situations. Some scholars use a very general definition
for language interaction and label it just as “code switching” or “code mixing” whereas other scholars
breakdown these concepts even further and distinguish what constitutes a mix or a switch. For the purpose of
my study I distinguish between these two concepts since there is such a drastic variation of linguistic
interaction within my data set. Throughout this paper code switching is referred to as CS and code mixing as
CM. Throughout this paper the terms switching and mixing are used to refer to the general interchange
between languages.
There are two distinct fields of approach applied to the study of bilingual language use; the
grammatical perspective and the socio-functional perspective. The grammatical perspective analyzes
structural components within utterances whereas the socio-functional perspective analyzes the social
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implications demonstrated in a language interchange situation. My study entails the examination of the
sociolinguistic perspective. “Traditionally, the sociolinguists examine key social variables such as the
identity of the speaker (gender, age, occupation, etc.), his or her relations with the other participants in a
conversation (e.g., whether they are friends or distant acquaintances), or the formality of the context” (Wei
2002:162). I explore these elements within in my study, but they do not form the main components within the
analysis of the data. The examination of the sociolinguistic perspective is then subdivided into two main
methodical approaches: organizational explanation and the identity related explanation.
Auer introduced the organizational explanation in 1984. This approach employs the technique of
conversational analysis. “Conversational analysts aim to reveal the evidence of social reality and to pinpoint
the origin of social meaning- how meaning is generated from face-to-face interaction. For those who adapt
the CA approach to code switching, the meaning is not given through the inculcation of values and norms, or
any structural form that pre-exist or underlie individual actions and utterances. Instead it resides in
conversational interaction itself” (Wei
2002:173). “As qualitative approaches, conversational analysis and ethnography share several important
characteristics; insistence on staying close to the raw data, returning again and again to original notes and
recordings on which the analyses are based; commitment to deriving categories directly from the data instead
of using a preconceived classification system for analysis, and faithfulness to the participant's perspective”
(Wilkinson 2002:159).
The “we/they” code by Gumperz and the Markedness model by Myers-Scotton are two key
approaches in the identity-related explanation. Within Gumperz's model the “we” code refers to the language
use within a bilingual community and the “they” code refers to the language use of the whole society, where
the community forms the minority within society. The identification of a linguistic code or codes as
belonging to a particular group of individuals, "our language" creates the division with the "other". In the
interpretation of the meaning of code switching or code mixing, the “we/they” codes portray social distance
or authority (Wei 2002:165). The “we” vs. “they” model describes the formation of group identity and
solidarity.
The markedness model also known as the rational choice model by Carol Myers-Scotton is used to explore
an individual’s motivation to CS or CM. This model is based upon the concept that an individual makes a
rational choice in determining the costs or benefits of the usage of a linguistic code or in some cases
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linguistic codes. CS labeled as “unmarked” or "smooth switching" occurs frequently and is considered an
accepted switch between languages. Unmarked language switches conforms to the communities language and
social norms. CS labeled as “marked” draws attention to the switch and effects the social distance between
individuals. Marked switches are in direct opposition of pre-established language and social norms and as a
result social distance is created between the community and the individual who made the marked language
choice. Speakers use their language choice to portray their perception of who they are, "their self"
(Myers-Scotton 1993:478).
Another aspect that is involved in Myers-Scotton’s approach to CS is her employment of the terminology
of the matrix language and the embedded language. The matrix language refers to the language that is more
dominate or more prevalent language in daily discourse. The embedded langue consists of fragmentary
elements form another language that is worked into the matrix language. This terminology aids in the
identification of the portrayal of power in linguistic production.
Examples from other studies that identify reasoning for CS or CM
Myers-Scotton 1993

De fina 1989
Degree of proficiency

To indicate a quote
To target a references to a specific
Domains which each language

addressee
is used

in a group
Attitudes toward languages and

To emphasize, elaborate or clarify
mixing them

To switch topics or modes
Use of language in their daily
discourse

To convey emotional content
Figure #2

Description of Locations
The comparative analysis of these two speech communities, North American bilinguals in Taxco and
Cuernavaca, Mexico, has never been documented. Thus, this study contributes to the literature on language
interchange by providing an examination of the pattern of code switching/code mixing in two new locations.
In 1999 I attended Universal's immersion program for one month. Participating in this program established
my familiarity with the program and also the community of Cuernavaca. Taxco was selected since Illinois
State University (ISU) has a summer program associated with CEPE. Comparing two locations also creates
the opportunity to investigate the effect a geographic location may have on language usage. In order to
examine a possible relationship between geographic location and language usage, it is first necessary to
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contextualize the communities of Taxco and Cuernavaca.
Geographically, Taxco is three hours south of Mexico City and is in the state of Guerrero. The
name of the city originates from a Nahuatal word, "Tlachco" and means the place where the ball is played.
The full city name is Taxco of Alarcón
and its current population is around 201,837. The economy is based upon tourism and selling silver jewelry
and other crafts. The strong colonial tie this city has is demonstrated in its architecture. The potential contact
with North American bilingual persons who speak Spanish and English is drastically lessened in this city
because there is only one immersion program in the entire city.
The immersion program at CEPE is divided into five levels of language proficiency. Students take a
placement test that determines their proficiency level. The focus of Level I is communication skills and the
overall basic comprehension of the Spanish language. Level II practices the more complex grammatical
structures and emphasizes the production of oral and written arguments. Students in Level III practice more
compound grammatical structures and focus more on written expression. Level IV practices the most
complex grammatical structures and the correct usage of these structures. The highest level, Level V focuses
on the improvement of linguistic and communicative skills to be comparable to a native speaker. This level
also promotes student’s listening comprehension. Students are exposed to different types of discourse, which
vary in level of difficulty (CEPE web page ).Ninety students in total attended the six-week program here. The
majority of the students were in levels two, three and four. Class size varied between five and fifteen.
Throughout the duration of the program the students remained with the same teacher and classmates. All
students attending this program lived with host families. Students’ interaction with Mexican family members
varied and was limited because the cost of meals was not included in the program. A key time for family
conversation in the everyday lives of Mexicans is La Comida, a meal that takes place in the afternoon.
Levels Students
V 5
IV 23
III 30
II 25
I 6
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The city of Cuernavaca is less than one hour south of Mexico City and is located in the state of
Morelos. It has a population around 838,706, which is almost three times larger than Taxco. Ceurnavaca is
famous for its second language schools and has over 50 schools that have immersion programs, which is
significant contrast to Taxco. More language schools increases the population of bilingual students which
then increases the possibility of speaking more English than Spanish.
Universal offers many different programs: Regular Spanish, Advanced Spanish, Travel Spanish, and
Professional Spanish. The Regular Spanish program is divided into sixty modules. A placement test
determines the student’s entry point into the module sequence. The main objectives of this program are
teaching basic and compound grammatical structures and emphasizing the practice of communication skills.
At the end of each week students are tested and according to the results will remain in the present level or
advance to the next module in the sequence. The weekly testing also creates the possibility of changing
instructor and classmates. The program duration is determined by the institution associated with each group
of students. Around fifty students were present at the school at any given time (Universal Webpage). Class
size is a very important part to their curriculum and it never exceeds over five students. Small class sizes
increased the student’s opportunity to participate in class activities and practice speaking Spanish more often.
Small class size also made it possible to tape-record in class discussions. All participants in my study
attended the Regular Spanish program for four weeks. All students also lived with host families and
participated in La Comida on a regular basis.
Data Collection
In Taxco, I randomly selected at least two ISU students from each level. Several of these students
were my classmates in previous Spanish classes at ISU. These students then participated in a semi-structured
interview. I conducted such interviews with sixteen students at the school or a local restaurant. I spent two
days in each level observing in class discourse. Large class sizes made it difficult to tape-record during my
sessions of observation, therefore my field notes document language usage in the classroom. I spent a total of
two weeks observing at this location. Outside the classroom I participated in some of the student’s activities:
going to historical sites, restaurants, bars, dance clubs and shopping. My field notes document natural
language of the students at these locations. These field notes in an informal setting were then compared to the
student’s language usage in a more formal setting (during the semi-structured interview). Three males from
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this group also participated in a tape-recorded discussion of their usage of language. These participants also
constructed a list of CM words and CS phrases in American slang to Spanish.
As a result of my familiarity of Cuernavaca, I spent six weeks in the community. My friend is a
teacher at Universal and I selected her classroom for observation. She teaches intermediate to the advanced
levels within the module of the Regular Spanish Program. Every teacher conducts his or her classroom
differently and remaining with one instructor provided a constant style of teaching to document an
instructor’s role in the interaction between Spanish and English within the classroom setting. I tape-recorded
over fifty hours of in class conversations. In addition to the recordings in the classroom, students also
participated in semi-structured interviews. I also participated in activities outside the classroom: going to
restaurants, the movies, bars, salsa dance clubs, family meals, and shopping. I also documented two males
using CS phrase from American slang to Spanish within their daily discourse. Once again I made
comparisons between findings from my field notes to what the students said about his or her language usage
within the interviews. What people say they do is not always what they actually do. The comparison between
my field notes, tape conversations in the classroom, and what they said in the interviews documents any
discrepancies.
Data and Analysis
The total population within this study consists of thirty participants and fifteen were selected from each
location. The fifteen participants from Cuernavaca are referred to as Group #1 and the fifteen participants
from Taxco
are known as Group #2. All participants ranged from 18 to 25 years of age. The female to male ratio between
the groups are 11/4 in Taxco and 7/8 in Cuernavaca. The ratio of female to male in Taxco was very high
whereas the ratio was almost equal in Cuernavaca. It is important to note that sub groups or cliques formed at
each location. The participants that formed these cliques and a sense of a group are included within my
analysis. The other participants who were not associated with any particular group also did not express the
same linguistic and social characteristics like those who participated in the construction of a group. The
formation of a group is the essential component that influenced the linguistic production of the participants.
Group #1

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The participants of this group are Luke, Mike, Bob, Jenny, Lindsay, and Marienella. All of these
students live in the southwest region of the United States, which is also known as an area that represents a
contact situation. Each student participated in a semi-structured interview and was observed inside and
outside the classroom setting. After taking the entrance exam at the school, the students were placed at the
low-high intermediate level in the school’s module. The four participants Mike, Lindsay, Jenny and Bob are
college students at Texas Lutheran. Even though they were college students at the same school, none of them
knew each other prior to attending the immersion program.
Marienella is from East Los Angeles and is ethnically Mexican/American who describes herself as a
“chicana”. She provides insightful information on the Mexican/American perspective, which is discussed
briefly in this section, but is further explored in the section describing the Mexican/American perspective on
this language interchange. Even though Marienella
was associated with this particular group of students, her point of view on this language contact situation was
quite different than her fellow group members as a result of her ethnicity and her personal experiences with
the Spanish and English language. It must be mentioned that the point of view of Marienella is not
representative of the Mexican/American perspective as a whole. It is also important to note that Marienella,
like many other Mexican/Americans are forced to learn English as a means for survival whereas North
American bilinguals make the choice to learn Spanish.
This group attended the immersion program for a month and was there two weeks prior to my arrival
in Cuernavaca. In addition to the attendance of the immersion program at Universal, they also attended a
program that examined theological aspects within the community. This program is associated with the Center
for Global Education, which is located in Minneapolis at Ausburg College. Group solidarity was already
established before my attempt to communicate with the group. “Our group of eleven has already been
together for two weeks and already had a sense of community that has formed in some sense, so you were a
person that was coming into that community, I am sure that played into my experience with you and others as
well” (Luke).
The students also shared a lot of time together outside the Universal’s immersion program attending
lectures and religious base communities. Many common threads were woven between these group members;
the goal to understand theological aspects within a Mexican community, growing up in Texas (Luke, Bob,
Jenny, Lindsay and Mike), and also sharing similar future goals. “I hope to teach at a college level at some
point and I would like to teach Cultural Studies or Christian Ethics. I am going to be doing organizing work
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in the coming year at the Youth and Ministry for Peace and Justice in the Bronx’ (Luke). “In the future I am
looking at work in the church” (Jenny).
The religious thread was the strongest thread that intertwined all of the members within this group.
The common threads between theses individuals enhanced the quick formation of group solidarity and
identity. After the formation of the group was established linguistic norms took shape. The language norms
accepted by this group was English or a combination of English and Spanish. The combination of the two
languages contained more English elements that Spanish. With all of these aspects combined the opposition
towards me was reinforced at a higher degree as a result of my language choice, to speak exclusively in
Spanish.
What does it mean to become an outsider? How does social identity predetermine language and social
norms? How is power displayed in social interactions? All of these questions became essential components in
my analysis of this group. Before beginning my research I tried to think of what possible consequences could
result due to language choice and how one’s language choice may influence the language choice of another
individual. Even though I took the time to think of possible consequences of my language choice, I did not
know what other people's reaction would be until I entered into conversation with them. Therefore, the
rational choice model of Myers-Scotton
was considered, but was seen as inapplicable model in this situation. I made the decision to speak in Spanish
upon my arrival. I wanted to practice my Spanish and also adapt to or "immerse" myself into the language
choice of the Cuernavacan community.
As a result of my initial experience in the courtyard, I later told the students that I would like to speak
in Spanish in order to practice the language and that they could converse with me in English or Spanish if
they wanted. I thought it was necessary to let the students know that they were by no means obligated to
speak in Spanish with me and that they could choose either language. After a couple of weeks I realized that
the students were actually reaffirming their own sense of community, thus, they were maintaining their
language and social norms of speaking in English as they would in the US. In a sense they were creating a
community with in another community through their linguistic choice.
Power is deeply engrained in linguistic production as a result of historical and political events.
Language dominance is also displayed in the positioning of one language over another. For example,
English/Spanish refers to the fact that English is the preferred and dominant language over Spanish. The
word order that the languages appear also can denote the first language/second language. The notion of the
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