DIALECT SURVEY - KOMBIO LANGUAGE East Sepik Province, Papua New Guinea

DIALECT SURVEY – KOMBIO LANGUAGE

East Sepik Province, Papua New Guinea

March, 2000












By Joan Henry
S.I.L. - Ukarumpa

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Dialect Survey – Kombio Language

1.0 General Information.............................................................................................3
1.1 Location and Geographical Features ........................................................................................... 3
1.2 Linguistic Classification and Bordering Languages .................................................................... 4
1.3 Social Characteristics................................................................................................................... 5
1.4 Churches and Missions ................................................................................................................ 6
1.5 Language Use and Attitudes ........................................................................................................ 7
1.6 Language Work Already Done .................................................................................................... 8
2.0 Survey Procedures .......................................................................................9
2.1 Data Collection Procedures ......................................................................................................... 9
2.2 Data Analysis Procedures .......................................................................................................... 11
2.2.1 Analysis of Word Lists..................................................................................................... 11
2.2.2 Analysis of Comprehension Tests..................................................................................... 12
3.0 Summary of Survey Results ..................................................................12
3.1 Word Lists ................................................................................................................................. 13
3.1.1 General Observations and Results..................................................................................... 13
Table 3.1a - Percentages of Difference Between Villages .......................................................... 15
Table 3.1b – Kinds of Differences .............................................................................................. 16
3.1.2 Dialect Change Patterns .................................................................................................... 17
3.2 Comprehension Tests................................................................................................................. 21
3.2.1 Results and Observations .................................................................................................. 21
Table 3.2.1a - Average Performance on Each Tape.................................................................... 21
Table 3.1.2b - Average Tape Performances By Dialect............................................................. 22
3.2.2 Summary Chart ................................................................................................................. 24
Table 3.2.2a - COMPREHENSION TEST RESULTS ............................................................... 24
4.0 Application of Results to Program......................................................24
5.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY ..........................................................................................26
Section 6.0 – Appendices .................................................................................27
Appendix 6.1 - Drekikier Sub-District – Kombio Census Division (1990)................................ 27
Appendix 6.2 - Questions For Bilingual Intelligibility Survey................................................... 28
Tape #1 – Tok Pisin – Aposel 11:4-17........................................................................................ 28
Tape #2 – Tok Pisin - Kolosi 1:15-23 ......................................................................................... 28
Tape #3 – Kombio (Yanimoi) – Matyu 21:33-43 ....................................................................... 29
Tape #4 – Kombio (Wampukuamp) – Matyu 22:1-14................................................................ 29
Appendix 6.3 – Elicited Word List Charts ................................................................................. 30
Appendix 6.4 – Map ................................................................................................................... 45


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Dialect Survey – Kombio Language

1.0 General Information

1.1 Location and Geographical Features


The Kombio language is spoken by approximately 2500 people living in the
Dreikikir Sub-District of the East Sepik Province, with its western boundary
marking the border dividing East Sepik from Sandaun, in an area approximately 8
miles by 4 miles. There are 34 villages, some of which have nearby hamlets with
other names; the villages vary in population from approximately 35 to 150; the
central area is somewhat more densely populated and the northern area is markedly
less densely populated. There is one centrally-located station, Yassip, where the
Catholic church and mission house, an aid post, the school and teacher housing are
located. The government center, Dreikikir, is actually located outside of the
language group. There are several other small language groups included in the
Kombio government district, and one Kombio village (Yassum) is considered part of
the Wom government district.

Kombio villages are spread over the foothills of the Torricelli Mountains
ranging in elevation from about 200–1000 meters in height, with most villages built
on ridges. Water supply is a problem in this area; there are some small streams at
the base of some of the peaks in the area, but many villages’ water supply relies on
digging holes in the bush and waiting for water to seep in from the high water table.
The climate is somewhat cooler and wetter than surrounding areas, with
temperatures averaging in the 80’s (Fahrenheit) dropping to mid-70’s at night.


The Sepik Highway connects with the southernmost end of the language
group and there is a secondary road off the highway running north through the
center of the Kombio area. However increasingly infrequent road repairs combined
with heavy rains have made the roads (both the Sepik Highway and the Kombio
road) not a reliable year-round means of transportation. There are no Kombio-based
PMVs and only 1 or 2 private vehicles in the area. There is no airstrip in the area;
the nearest is Yakrumbok (in the Urim area) but this is sometimes inaccessible, so
we generally use the airstrip at Brugam which is approximately 1-1/4 hour’s drive
from the southern edge of Kombio. SIL (myself and various co—workers) now
generally uses the helicopter to move in and out of the area. The nearest readily
accessible town is Maprik (2 hours on the road); Wewak is approximately 5 hours’
drive. The nearest town distance-wise is Aitape, and Kombios feel some sense of
identification with this area, but the only access is by foot over high mountains – for
local people at least 6-7 hours’ walk one way and often longer.


Following is an alphabetical list of all Kombio villages. There are other
hamlets or “camps” which will not be listed, nor will I include the names for pieces
of ground on which no one lives. It seems to be characteristic of the area that many
places have one or more alternate names; these are included in parentheses, but the
preferred one is listed first. There are also sometimes alternate spellings that have
been used by various government or outside agencies; these also are noted in
parentheses. I am located in Miringi Village which is geographically central, has
road access, has strong representation of both major denominations in the area, and
was assumed to be linguistically central as well. As it turns out, the dialect
situation is vastly more complicated that originally believed; but, for many reasons, I
believe it is still appropriate to remain in Miringi. Kombio villages include:

Ben (Yangei) (1 hamlet: Yasimborek)
Kumbum
(Yapmuin)
Makupmanip
(Makumanip)

Miringi (Meringi, Meringe) (2 hamlets: Yako and Yesawonk)

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Muyem


Nialu (Kok, Kuambo, Yanyumbu)

Niumuatil (Nyamatil, Niumatil]
Pmuaisamp
(Moisam)

Puapniaip (Pabnyeb, Pabneip, Pabnyeip, Yasuknu)
Sakapm
[Sakarp]
Samark
(Yamark)
Sambu
Sangaien
(Yetnieiyem)
Sapmirek

Sawiyap (Souiap, Soaief)

Sawurk (Wum) (1 hamlet:___)

Serpmel (Cherpmel); school & former SSEC mission at Kungar

Sumbuk (now at new location: Yatnimpulp)
Tong
(Yakilo)
Waim
Wuntokwin
[Undokuin]

Yaitniam (Saitniam, Yetnyam)

Yakangom (an offshoot from Tong) [Yakumbum]
Yakio
Yakulmp
(Yakulm)

Yalengel (Yalangel, Yatangel)
Yanyerekel
Yaselol
Yasile
Yasimboriek
[Yasumbonet]

Yasum (Yasuhum) (this village is in the Wom government district)

Yaureng (Yaurang, Yawareng)
Yetnimbiem
Yetnimbum
Two villages which appear on some maps, Kasim and Pening (Koning) no longer exist
because all residents have died off. Another village, Pembelo, which was actually
part of another very small language, is now becoming a Kombio village as the
younger generation is choosing to speak Kombio (and Tok Pisin) rather than their
fathers’ language. A list of Kombio villages and their populations, per the 1990
census, is included in Appendix 6.1.

1.2 Linguistic Classification and Bordering Languages


Per Laycock (1975), the Kombio language is the largest language of the
Kombio Family of the Kombio Stock of the Torricelli Phylum. It is a Papuan
language, but Torricelli Phylum languages share more common features with
Austronesian than with Papuan. The people refer to themselves and their language
as Akwun (or Aknun, Aknwun) but readily recognize and use the government
designation of Kombio. The Ethnologue lists Endangen as an alternate name, but
no one in the area has ever heard of that designation. It is centrally located to the
other five members of the Kombio Family: Wom, Yambes, Eitiep, Lou and Aruek.
The latter three language names are not known to those in the area, but appear only
in Laycock’s linguistic classifications. Lou seems to be known locally as Kotokon
and Aruek may be the language known locally as Pokoriep or Kliek; each of these
local names is preceded by the word “Sank”, the Kombio word for “talk”. Eitiep may
be the apparently dying language of Pembelo and 3 or 4 other small villages; or it
may be another location altogether, i.e. on the other side of the mountains toward
Aitape in Sandaun Province.


Kombio is bordered by 5 other language groups in the Torricelli Phylum. To
the west is Lou (Kombio Stock and Family); to the north, Aruek (Kombio Stock and
Family); to the east, Wom (Kombio Stock and Family); to the southeast, Yambes
(Kombio Stock and Family); to the south, Urat (Wapei-Palei Stock, Urat Family); to

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the southwest, Urim (Urim Stock and Family). There is an SIL team working in
Urim; SIL formerly worked in Urat and the work is now being carred on by BTA. In
the Torricelli Phylum, there are completed New Testaments in Au (Wapei-Palei
Stock), Olo ( ), Southern and Mountain Arapesh – Bukiyip, Mufian, and Filifita
(Kombio Stock, Arapesh Family). Kombio bears some phonological resemblance to
Urim, and possibly some grammatical parallels as well, particularly the southern
(Yanimoi) dialect of Kombio.


A map is enclosed as an appendix (6.4) showing locations of all Kombio
villages and the immediately surrounding areas.

1.3 Social Characteristics


The Kombio people identify themselves primarily with their village, as
opposed to a clan or alliance or prestige dialect or area. Historically there was
continual inter-village fighting to increase their own territory and no cross-village
alliances. One would never associate in any way with someone from another village,
and the people lived in a great deal of fear due to the endless cycle of fighting and
reprisals. The men’s cult and spirit house, “tambaran”, was central to the society
and very powerful up until very recent times, although it is now quite marginalized.
There were elaborate initiation ceremonies, set exchange partners, and many
rituals.

People also gain a significant amount of their identity through their clan
totem. Most villages had members of two to five totems in them, and marriages were
traditionally arranged across the totems. Today these traditional arrangements are
no longer so strongly binding, and young people generally marry whoever they wish.
Women tend to live in their husband’s village, but that is not a hard and fast rule.
Nowadays, most villages have at least 1 or 2 non-Kombio women who have married
in. These women from outside don’t often learn the Kombio language, but get along
with Tok Pisin. However women from other Kombio dialects often adjust and use
the local dialect of the village they marry into.

They tend to live in nuclear families, each in their own home, and there is a
good deal more individualism than in many PNG societies. For instance, people
build their own houses and work their own gardens, not enlisting the help of others
in the village unless the work load is overwhelming and even then “paying” them
with a big meal. Village meetings are often conducted with each sitting in his own
doorstep and yelling back and forth. Family members are rarely if ever coerced to do
anything against their will.

There is a significant level of cultural disintegration, due to the decline of the
tambaran culture and the lack of anything that fully replaces it. There is superficial
adherence to the new western structure of councillors and magistrates as well as
church and school leadership structures, but these leaders very often experience
frustration at the lack of “followership” and their inability to elicit cooperation and
responsibility from the people. There appears to be little or no loyalty to institutions
(i.e. church, school, aid post) which benefit the entire group.

One result of this individualism and village-level loyalty is that there is a
great amount of dialect variation and no such thing as a prestige dialect. Every
person and village is convinced that their version of the talk is the best, the clearest,
the easiest, and all the other people mess it up.

Education is not highly valued in the area. Many choose not to go to school
and parents do not insist that their children attend regularly, even if they have paid
school fees for them. They seem to perceive the primary advantage to school as
getting a paid job, and having realized that this is not a practical result for the
majority, they have lost the motivation to pursue much schooling. Those who do go

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to school rarely go beyond Grade 6, and the few gifted ones who do go on generally
leave by Grade 8 because of lack of funds although there are a few working on their
education by extension with CODE. There are two schools, the larger and original
school centrally located at Yassip and another up north at Kungar (near Serpmel).
There has never been more than one Kombio teacher at any given time at the Yassip
school. The current situation is especially bad as two years ago the school was
given a bad report by the teachers (because of robberies) and since then no teachers
have come; the one local teacher is maintaining some classroom work for a couple of
grades, but even that is sporadic and incomplete. Literacy rate has been estimated
at approximately 30%, but not all of those would be in any sense fluent.

Additionally, it is a cash-poor area with few businesses. Many have coffee
and if the prices are good, that is a major source of cash for a few months of the
year. A few have cacao, and recently many have begun to grow vanilla. Tradestores
are few and far between and often short of stock, although there are a few scattered
exceptions to that. There are comparatively few Kombios who are working in towns
or outside the area (I personally know of less than 10) and there are no “Kombio
enclaves” in any town. It is not unusual for those who have worked in towns to
choose to return and live in the village.

1.4 Churches and Missions


The Catholics were the original mission in the area and still are in the
majority, having begun work there in 1932. They have one large central church at
Yassip, along with housing for a priest, a catechist, and one other parish building.
For most of the past two decades, the priests in residence have been Papua New
Guineans though not Kombios. All have been supportive of the work of Bible
translation and have been happy to have scripture read in Kombio during the mass.
In fact, it is the Catholic Church who have spearheaded nearly all the work in the
language program; all SIL co-translators at this time are Catholics and three-
quarters of the local committee as well. The committee serves in an advisory
capacity overseeing the program as a whole, checks over translated scripture, sells
books, and provides a channel of communication and information between myself
and the villages.


There is an evangelical denomination, South Seas Evangelical Church
(SSEC), which began work in the late 60’s in the far west village grouping of Waim,
Yanyerkel and Sawiyap. It was run by nationals until the 80’s when, for 5 years,
there was a German missionary up north in Kungar. Since he left, all leadership is
again in the hands of local men and reliant strictly on lay leadership. They have
expanded widely in the past few years and now have local churches in 13-14
villages. There is some verbal acknowledgement of interest in vernacular scriptures
but little regular help from them; the chairman of the local committee is an SSEC
man and has shown a high level of committment to the work, however.


There is one village (Makupmanip) which has had an SDA church for many
years, which has nearly always had local leadership; I have had only occasional
contact with them, but there is good relationship. Their area is not one of the
dialects being currently translated, and they are the only church that uses English
as a significant part of their worship. There is a new small AOG church down in
Yaureng as well, one of whose members is a part of the local committee.


Although there is some tension between the Catholic and SSEC church
members, the leadership level of all these churches has been quite willing to
cooperate and work together interdenominationally to promote work in the
vernacular so far and we have not experienced any infighting within the committee.
All the churches use Tok Pisin the great majority of the time and seem generally
content with that; people insist that they all understand Tok Pisin perfectly well.
The SSECs have a few songs in Kombio which are used infrequently and

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occasionally a testimony will be given in vernacular. The Catholics stick to Tok Pisin
out of respect for the teachers who generally don’t speak the language, even though
the parish members are uniformly Kombio.

1.5 Language Use and Attitudes


The Kombio area is strongly bilingual in Tok Pisin; this cuts across all sub-
groups of the population: men and women; old and young; educated and non-
school-attenders. Women in general use less Tok Pisin than men and have
somewhat less vocabulary, but are still able to speak fluently and understand well.
Children are increasingly using more and more Tok Pisin, although it has not yet
increased to the extent of blocking out vernacular altogether. Perhaps the primary
reason is that parents now have begun to habitually use Tok Pisin when speaking to
their young children, and so they tend to learn it very early. Many notice and have
commented that the children do not speak and understand Kombio as well as they
“should”, but they do not seem to understand the connection between that and their
(the parents’) language use habits, and so the verbalized concern does not result in
any corrective action. Despite this tendency, one still hears a great deal of Kombio
language in use in the area. The primary contexts in which Tok Pisin is the major
language used are church, courts, and government (council meetings, campaign
speeches, etc.). Tok Pisin is used in the schools when the teachers feel the students
need help in handling the English, which is the primary language of instruction.
The headmaster of two years ago strongly felt that prep schools should be in Tok
Pisin, not Kombio, in order to help prepare the students with something that the
non-Kombio teachers could also foster with them.

There is also a tendency among many to make use of code switching and
code mixing, moving back and forth between Kombio and Tok Pisin without any
apparent conscious awareness. Some Tok Pisin words are moving toward adoption
into Kombio, such as save (which becomes sawe), na, and the numbers.

However, language viability is strengthened by the way Kombio speakers
prefer to make a new Kombio word for a modern item rather than to simply adopt
the English or Tok Pisin. For example, we have a vernacular word for car “waike”,
whose literal meaning is “land crab”. A mirror is known as “mpep muati ” (literally
“water image”) from the traditional practice of examining one’s reflection in some
water in a half coconut shell. Thus, my co-translators developed a new term when
we needed to translate “boat” and said if people didn’t understand the word they’d
just have to explain it to them at first or include a picture; so now the word for boat
in Kombio is “wutumpepel ”, literally water-garamut (drum) because of the similar
shape of boats and their drums. There is sufficient language pride and identity that
the committee and co-translators have strongly resisted using borrowed words,
although for convenience in switching from vernacular to Tok Pisin they prefer we
keep the same spellings for names and places (even if those letters are not in
Kombio orthography). We are also using borrowed terminology or figures for
numbers 10 and over, and that has not met with any resistance.

Despite the proliferation of dialects and individual variations, the people all
firmly insist that they are the same language and the adults have no significant
difficulty carrying on general conversation and understanding one another across
dialects. They say that the children would find it considerably harder, however; and
when the subject matter is complex or there is minute attention to detail and word
meaning, as in the translation process, the differences between the dialects become
magnified and much more of a stumbling block. Of the various Kombio dialects, the
northern ones (known as Mwi) are the most different and cause the greatest
comprehension difficulties.

Up until this year, there has been minimal interest in the community in
having books in their language. However in July-September of 1999 there was a

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marked change, as we sold nearly 60 Shell books and had a number of people very
interested in both practicing their oral reading and in putting together books of their
own to be published. Readers, at this point, are those who have learned to read
English or Tok Pisin elsewhere and have been assisted to transfer into reading
Kombio. No formal literacy program has been established, although there was a
prep school attempted back in 1988, which faltered on somewhat ineffectively for a
few years before folding; since that time, a few of those teacher trainees have chosen
to conduct a prep school in Tok Pisin but even those are mostly now non-existent.

1.6 Language Work Already Done

We were advised by the local government councillor early in the program that
work should be done in the two most major Kombio dialects, Yanimoi and
Wampukuamp. Therefore initial literacy work and all scripture translation to date
has been done in both, with supplementary Shell books and other literature in any
or all of the other dialects or variations depending only on willingness and interest
on the part of speakers of those dialects to do the work.

Research papers currently on file are:

Organized Phonology Data, by Joan Henry (1990)

Grammar Essentials, by Joan Henry (1992)
Kombio
Background Study, by Cathy Krekel (1993)
A Sociolinguistic Survey of Kombio, by Nate and Judi Baker (1980--in
Workpapers in Papua New Guinea Languages, vol. 29, 1981)

Books in Print (by dialect):

Wordlist book, 1991
Activity Workbook 1 & 2, 1992
Malai Nti Loli Na Yetn Wurun (Malai and Loli Go To the Bush), 1991.
(No longer available)
Wamu i Kisim Nogut, 1991 (No longer available)
Several other Big Books and misc. titles, 1991-92 (No longer available)
Bible Study, Matthew 26-28, 1993. (No longer in distribution)
Sank Likekn Likekn (Popular Trilingual Dictionary), 1999
Wupm Jonael (Book of Jonah – Yanimoi/Wampukuamp in sgl. vol.), 1999.

Yanimoi Dialect:
Sank Apulp Jona-el (Story of Jonah), 1992 (No longer in distribution)
Jisas Awur Na Ampu Karpel (Matthew 26-28, Easter), 1993
Rat i Karim Hevi Bilong Pik, 1993 (No longer available)
Nimpua Ninkai Wurokn (The Dog Tricks the Pig), 1999
Nti Ninkilapm Ninkilapm Na Ser Jisas (Children Come to Jesus), 1999
Nti Moule Kuasemp Wulapm Weink (Genesis 2-3, Fall of Man), 1999.
Ko Ant Nkinkiekn Yupulp Wank 2000, Mi Rokn? (Should We Be Afraid of the
Year 2000 or Not?, 1999.
Sank Muati Apulp Moule Ka Yalip Wonk Olik Rukopmel (Parable of the Sower),
1999.
Moule Likekn Ampu La Nak Naremp Jisas (One Man Thanks Jesus), 1999.
Sank Muati Apulp Mouleel Ka Aserp Wankepm Mewelelel (Good Samaritan),

1999.
Lo Mpapaye (The Papaya Tree – health book), 2000.
Devit Antemp Goliat Napol (David Fights Goliath – 1 Sam 17), 2000.

Wampukuamp Dialect:

Sank Apulp Jona-el (Story of Jonah), 1992 (No longer in distribution)

Jisas Awur Na Naimpil Karpel (Matthew 26-28, Easter), 1993

Why the Cuscus has Short Ears, 1993 (No longer available)

Sank Apulp Rut (Story of Ruth), 1997

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Ko An Nkinkiekn Yupulp Wank 2000, Mi Orokn? (Should We Be Afraid of the
Year 2000, or Not?), 1999.

Devit Antemp Goliat Napol (David Fights Goliath – 1 Sam 17), 2000.

Mamintoump Wie (Two Brothers), 2000.

Kiko Nti Mpake (Kiko and Bake), 2000.

Kona Apm Aipmunu Mpunel (If I Were A Rooster), 2000.


Dialects of Middle Villages (Tnimonel):

Why the Cuscus has Short Ears, 1993 (No longer available)

Wupm Lontumpua-el (Guitar Book, with songs), 1993. Revised 1999 as
Wupm Apulp Antarko Na Yikei Lontumpuael.

Sank Apulp Sakius (Story of Zaccheus), 1996
Sank Apulp Ntawu Irpmel (Sores), 1997

Sank Lomp Apulp Moule Wie Ka Nak Sank Sukuai Antemp Waiek Keipmel
(The Parable of Two Men Praying), 1997.

Jisas Ka Nuar Lo Ntimprenkel Ko Yikn Nikerpm Lael (Jesus is the Bridge),
1997.

Mipmakn Maimpilpm (Traditional Story), 1997.

Yapmunemp Antuel Manmaknel (Customs of the Ancestors), 1997.

Sank Apulp Aipm Alpiek (Story of a Bat), 1997

Moule Wuntoknel Yapmunemp Ankilel Karokn Atit Akuor (A Money-Man (Rich
Man) Whose Thinking Was Not Wise (Lit: Break-Tear)), 1997

Sank’umpor Antilel Yakioel (Our Yakio Village Legends), 2000.

Moule Likekn Ka Nto Nkaik Kuretel, Jisas Apul Kil Sepm (Jesus Heals the
Paralytic), 1997.

In addition to these, other books are in various stages of pre-publication planned for
year 2000 including translations of the Christmas story in Yanimoi and
Wampukuamp, another traditional legend (in Mwi dialect – our first publication in
that dialect), and another children’s story and a Bible story (both in Wampukuamp).
Also the Gospel of Matthew in Yanimoi and Wampukuamp is scheduled for
consultant check in 2000 and publication shortly thereafter.

2.0 Survey Procedures

2.1 Data Collection Procedures


The dialect survey was somewhat more extensive than the norm due to
several concerns. Firstly, it was clear that the dialect situation in the Kombio
language is complex and it needed to be defined more exactly, including the nature
of the so-called “middle” dialect. Also, the SIL program has been structured from
the beginning to encompass two dialects simultaneously, Yanimoi to the south and
Wampukuamp in the west-central area, and it was necessary to evaluate/affirm the
effectiveness of this strategy. A third major concern was the high level of
bilingualism with Tok Pisin; I was concerned to define the level of bilingualism more
objectively if possible, and also to try to determine how comprehension of Tok Pisin
actually compared to comprehension of the vernacular. This issue has some long-
term significance in regards to program viability and whether or not a full New
Testament will be needed in Kombio.


Therefore a two-pronged strategy was adopted. First of all, standard SIL
word lists were elicited in each of the seven “middle” village as well as in two to three
villages from each known dialect area, for a total of 17 villages. These were freshly
elicited by myself in August, 1999. However, to expand the range of comparison and
avoid redoing previous work, six of the somewhat-different word lists (Yaureng,
Muyem, Serpmel, Yakio, Miringi and Makupmanip) which were used in our initial
survey in 1987 were also incorporated. The first half of each of these were elicited

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by myself but the last half of each were elicited by Cathy Krekel. (Some of these
earlier transcriptions I now know to be inaccurate, so some adjustment was made
accordingly when doing the comparisons.) The word lists used in 1999 were
adjusted across the board, with some of the standard words eliminated because of
expected difficulty in eliciting accurately and others were added to reflect known
dialect differences. Allowing for these changes and later eliminating other words
which produced inconsistent responses or were in other ways difficult to compare,
we ended up with a base of 180 words which were compared across the dialects.
Appendix 6.3 lists a selection of those words as transcribed in each of those villages,
chosen to provide examples of each of the types of variation noted.


The second half of the survey was designed to focus on comprehension,
specifically comprehension of each of the two dialects we are translating scripture
into as compared to comprehension of Tok Pisin scripture. This was modelled on
work done by Stephen Niyang (1993), who had similar concerns regarding the
comprehension of the heavily-used trade language (Hausa) versus vernaculars in his
part of Nigeria. Niyang writes, “Even in places where there is a single linguistic
community, Hausa was still used as the language for preaching, but it was not the
language for social activities ... we must produce Christian vernacular literature that
is relevant and meets the felt needs of the Christians in the multi-ethnic and
multilingual environment.” (1993:72,93) He recommends that comprehension for
bilingual intelligibility should not be lower than 70%, if church members are to
make exclusive use of the trade language for worship and Bible study. (Ibid., pg. 95).


The Kombio comprehension test was structured as closely parallel to
Niyang’s recommended format as possible. Four scripture passages were chosen,
designed to be somewhat unfamiliar to the majority of those tested: Acts 11:4-17.
Colossians 1:15-23, Matthew 21:33-43, and Matthew 22:1-14. Ten simple
comprehension questions were developed in consultation with my co-translators for
each of these passages. Then the co-translators recorded the material, along with
instructions, one passage on each of four cassette tapes. The passage was read
through in full first, then instructions were given on the tape stating that it would
now be re-read and there would be questions to answer. Then a small portion of the
passage (i.e. 1-2 verses) was read, followed by a question and a pause, then the next
portion and another question, and so on to the end. A copy of the questions used is
included in Appendix 6.2. The Acts passage was chosen as a narrative passage in
Tok Pisin. The Colossians passage as epistle material, again in Tok Pisin. The
Matthew passages were narrative material in the vernacular with Matthew 21 given
in the Yanimoi dialect of Kombio, and Matthew 22 given in the Wampukuamp
dialect of Kombio. A practice tape was also prepared, in which another local man
used the same format to record a short personal experience along with some simple
questions about it; he used his own dialect, which was that of Miringi, one of the
middle villages.

Those being tested were allowed to listen and work through the practice tape
as many times as necessary until they felt comfortable with the procedure; but once
they began the official scripture-based test, no repetitions were allowed. However, if
more than one person in a given location was going to take this test, they were
allowed to hear the previous person go through it; at first we intended to prevent
this, but the logistics to do so were very difficult and it was found that it made no
significant difference in the score. This test was administered to two people at each
of the villages visited, for a total of 30. It was originally intended to be given to a
range of ages, sexes, education levels, etc., but it was quickly found that the
question-answer procedure was extremely difficult for those who did not have a
significant amount of schooling and thus the results were being skewed; we were
testing not language comprehension but ability to take tests or follow instructions.
Because of that, we from that point on limited the test to males with some schooling
(preferably Grade 6), so that one factor was consistent and the variant would

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