Hip Hop Consumption and Masculinity

Hip Hop Consumption and Masculinity


Damien Arthur, School of Commerce, University of Adelaide



ABSTRACT


INTRODUCTION
This paper looks at the nature of masculinity

within the Hip Hop subculture, a subculture
The Hip Hop culture revolves around four
firmly rooted in consumer based objects of
key activities: rapping, graffiti art,
music, clothes and symbols. In particular,
breakdancing and DJing. It originated in the
this study investigates how the symbolic
South Bronx area of New York City during
nature of Hip Hop consumption can serve as
the early 1970s, and articulated the values
a vehicle by which young white men can
and attitudes of the urban inner-city youth
achieve a desired level of masculinity.
(Rose 1994). During the 1980s, Hip Hop
Furthermore, this paper identifies and
became more than just a culture, but also a
describes the role of fantasy in Hip Hop
profitable commodity, with Hip Hop music,
consumption and how young men construct
fashion, and entertainment consumed across
themselves as masculine through such
the world. Although no hard demographic
fantasies. Using an ethnographic study has ever been conducted on Hip Hop’s
methodology the researcher found that Hip
consumers by race (Neilsen SoundScan, the
Hop culture is a gender salient male enclave
premier reference source on music sales does
where masculinity is enacted by members.
not break down its over-the-counter totals by
The performance of gender is enacted
race), it is estimated, and often cited that 70
through the performance of being ‘hard’, the
percent of US Hip Hop sells to white
repression of feminine traits, and the
consumers (Kitwana 2005). Hence, young
crossing over into African American
white men are the primary consumer of the
Vernacular English. Such performances limit
various performances of black masculinity
female Hip Hop membership de facto. Hip
and the almost pornographic images of
Hop members often use sexist, and
African American women found in
homophobic taunts, but not as attacks on
mainstream Hip Hop (Neal 2004a). In the
females or homosexuals, but to feminise the
case of young white males, Hip Hop
other, and hence masculinise oneself. Finally,
represents a space where they can work
it was found that gangster rap is often
through the idea of how their masculinity can
consumed as a fantasy in which teenage
be lived. The next section undertakes a
males can forge strong masculine gender
selective review of the literature regarding
identities, gender identities that they find
gender identity, masculinity and
difficult to assume at school, at work, or in a
consumption, male enclaves, heroic
family context. The fantasies essentially fall
masculinity and the consumption of fantasy.
into one of two categories: the pimp fantasy,
The paper then presents the research
and the gangster fantasy.
objective, method and the qualitative
findings, before drawing some conclusions.

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behaviours will be gender-based because of
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
the salience of gender in that situation (Palan

2001). Hence, the measurement of gender
Gender Identity
identity may produce different results in a

gender relevant situation relative to a
For the purpose of this study we will use
situation where gender is irrelevant (Gould
‘sex’ to refer to an individual’s biological sex
1996; Patterson and Hogg 2004).
and ‘gender’ to refer to psychological
Furthermore, a small-scale qualitative study
features associated with biological sex that
by Patterson and Hogg (2004) suggests that
are socially constructed (Butler 1990; Butler
gender identity is more salient in a public
1993). Gender is the cultural definition of
situation as opposed to a private situation.
behaviour defined as appropriate to the sexes
That is, in a public setting, young males feel
in a given society at a given time. Hence,
that they have to perform their masculinity,
gender is a set of cultural rules that may be
and act as a male is expected to, and
applied at a subcultural level (Palan 2001).
subsequently they will only consume
These cultural rules are enacted time and time
masculine products, whereas in a private
again, and the iteration of these performative
setting they are more likely to consume
gestures establishes our gender identities
products inline with their actual self-concept.
(Butler 1990; Butler 1993). The iterative

nature of this performance is what differs this
While the subject of gender has been widely
construction of identity from the theatrical
researched by consumer behaviour scholars,
roles proposed by Goffman (1959).
it is mainly feminine roles, differences

between men and women, gender biases, or
Gender identity is the degree to which an
sex differences that are emphasised (Kimmel
individual identifies him or herself with
and Tissier-Desbordes 1999). The following
masculine and feminine personality traits
section investigates the small but growing
(Fischer and Arnold 1994; Palan 2001).
body of literature on masculinity and
Masculinity and femininity are not polar
consumption.
opposites on a single dimension but are

separate constructs that one can assume with
Masculinity and Consumption
varying degrees of intensity (Caru, Cova, and

Tissier-Desbordes 2004). Hence, an Men’s role in western society and the image
individual may identify him or herself with
of men has undergone radical changes in
both masculine and feminine traits to varying
recent years. Many roles traditionally
degrees (Kimmel and Tissier-Desbordes
associated with men and masculinity, are now
1999). Masculine traits include dominance,
being performed by women. Technical
independence, self-confidence, assertiveness,
developments have decreased the difficulty of
strength, virility and ambition. In contrast
numerous tasks, and physical strength has
feminine traits include emotional, lost much of its utility for society. Moreover,
affectionate, yielding, submissive, gentle,
the evolution of economy from industry to
dependent, and gullible (Kimmel and Tissier-
services has favoured the rise of women in
Desbordes 1999).
professional circles. As women are now

increasingly educated and working, the
While an individual is not likely to change
traditionally masculine role of ‘bread winner’
the essence of his or her gender identity, in a
has become effeminate. Hence, new societal
gender relevant situation, beliefs and
practices and conventions are perpetually
challenging ways in which men can assume

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masculinity (Kimmel and Tissier-Desbordes
bastions of masculinity they are relatively
1999).
marginalised and are constantly positioned at

the periphery (Caru et al. 2004).
Kimmel and Tissier-Desbordes (1996)

suggest that the gap between traditional
Heroic Masculinity
masculinity and the modern breadwinner role

has produced an identity crisis that men have
Holt and Thompson (2004) discuss what they
tried to resolve through consumption. That is,
describe as the American ideology of heroic
in the absence of assuming a masculine role
masculinity. This ideology is made of three
at work or at home, men are undertaking
masculinity models – the breadwinner, the
masculine identity projects through the
rebel, and the man-of-action hero. The man-
consumption of symbolic products, services
of-action hero resolves the inherent
and leisure (Holt and Thompson 2004).
weaknesses in two other prominent models,
Several consumer research studies support
the bread winner and the rebel. In the
this notion. For example, in their consumer
breadwinner model one becomes a man
ethnography Schouten and McAlexander
through the act of achieving. However, men
(1995) enact their own masculinity by
who are part of the establishment are often
becoming bikers, rebellious man who live for
seen as cowardly and broken men. In the
the freedom of the open road, while Sherry et
rebel model one becomes a man through the
al. (2001) contend that the themed restaurant
act of rebelling. However, because rebels
and bar chain ESPN Sport Zone appeals to
threaten the status quo and challenge societal
men in large part because it creates a place of
institutions, they are often portrayed as
fun that allows men to compete and enact
dangerously antisocial outlaws who pose a
their masculinities.
moral threat to their communities. ‘More

warrior than father, more seducer than
Male Enclaves
husband, more class clown than serious

worker’ the rebel figure is personified by the
According to Caru et al. (2004), masculinity
Hip Hop Gangster, ‘such as found in the rap
can only be enacted in the presence of other
music of Tupac Shakur and Wu Tang Clan
men. That is, in order for men to assume a
and popular feature films such as Boyz in the
masculine identity, they need to spend time
Hood’ (Holt and Thompson 2004, 428).
with other men in enclaves that exclude

strong feminine identities and are dedicated
Consuming Fantasy
to the rituals of masculinity. Along with the

demise of the traditional breadwinner role,
The consumption of fantasy experiences has
many traditional enclaves of masculinity have
been studied by consumer researchers in a
virtually vanished (i.e. hunting, men’s clubs
variety of settings including Las Vegas,
and golf courses that bar women). In modern
Hawaii, the Disney Amusement Parks, luxury
society men share their masculinity in places
hotels and seaside resorts. Such fantasy
where passions that are mainly shared by men
environments typically evoke playful
are enacted (for example, where a team sport
activities and attitudes and create a climate of
like rugby or football is being played, or
escape, pleasure and relaxation (Belk and
where subcultures like motor racing or Hip
Costa 1998). Alternatively, Belk and Costa
Hop meet). Sharing a male oriented passion
(1998) studied the mountain man, who re-
or a group activity also serves the function of
enacts a frontier myth by fleeing civilisation
precluding many women. Although women
and domesticity (at least for a little while)
are not completely absent from these modern
and embracing the uncivilised and wild.

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These mountain men embrace the liberating
interviews took place between June 2002 and
opportunity to play a wildly different
June 2005. Extended presence and
character whose behaviour bears little
participation in the field allowed the
resemblance to their everyday life. That is, by
researcher to ‘learn the language’ of those
consuming this fantasy, these mountain men
under investigation, and to experience life as
are able to enact the freedom and
one of the subjects (Elliot and Jankel-Elliot
independence that they cannot find in their
2003). A local Hip Hop DJ who was an
ordinary lives.
acquaintance of the researcher facilitated

initial entry into the Hip Hop culture in
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE AND
Australia and the researcher accompanied the
METHODOLOGY
gatekeeper and a number of his friends to

around a 100 Hip Hop nights held across the
While many critics have attacked Hip Hop
researcher’s home city, and around Australia.
for its sexist, misogynistic, and homophobic
Becoming a member of a subculture
content, very few have bothered to ask what
generally means entering as an aspiring
it is about this genre that drives millions of
member and undergoing a process of
young men around the world to listen to the
socialisation whereby subcultural capital is
music. For Hip Hop in the 21st century is an
obtained (Thornton 1995). Hence, the nature
industry, and like any modern day industry, if
of the ethnographic process was evolving,
the consumers didn’t like the product, it
which allowed the researcher to interact with
would cease to exist. While not a quantitative
different elements of the subculture and to
investigation into all the motivations for the
experience the signifying practices of Hip
consumption of Hip Hop, this study does
Hop consumption as an insider.
intend to develop an understanding of the role

masculinity plays in the consumption of Hip
During the course of the study, which formed
Hop. In particular, this study investigates
part of a larger research project on the
how the symbolic nature of Hip Hop
symbolic consumption of subcultures, 30
consumption can serve as a vehicle by which
semi-structured in-depth interviews with both
young white men can achieve a desired level
soft-core and hard-core members of the
of masculinity (Kimmel and Tissier-
Australian Hip Hop culture were undertaken.
Desbordes 1999). Furthermore, we intend to
The researcher utilised guided introspection
identify and describe the role of fantasy in
to obtain the necessary data: as he had
Hip Hop consumption and how young men
obtained membership status himself, a good
construct themselves as masculine through
rapport with the interviewees was
such fantasies.
established, and hence the information was of

quality (Elliot and Jankel-Elliot 2003;
This study of the Hip Hop consumption and
Shankar 2000). This technique was chosen as
masculinity was conducted using three
it has been found to be particularly useful
principal methods of ethnographic research:
when cultural categories are under
participant observation, informal investigation (McCracken 1988; Wells 1993).
conversations, and semi-structured in-depth

interviews. Ethnography was chosen as this
Interview transcripts, along with field notes
approach can yield better insights into the
were imported into Nudist for coding.
way people interact with brands than more
Selective coding was used to synthesise and
modernist approaches (Goulding 2003). The
relate data to the conceptual topic of interest -
participant observation and informal masculinity. After the initial analysis of the
data the researcher was then compelled to

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investigate literature regarding black retaliating if anyone humiliates or disrespects
masculinity in African American Hip Hop
you.
such that more detailed conclusions regarding

masculinity in the Australian Hip Hop culture
Other scholars (i.e. McLeod 1999; Stephens
could be formed.
2005) have traced the overt performance of

masculinity within Hip Hop as a necessary
KEY FINDINGS AND THEMES
enactment to be part of the culture which is

central to remaining authentic – one of the
Black Masculinity in African American Hip
cultures key values (Arthur 2006). McLeod’s
Hop
(1999) article examines claims of authenticity

within Hip Hop culture. He found six claims
Academics have explored how street life-
of authenticity; a social-psychological
oriented, African American men organise
dimension, a racial dimension, a political-
meaning around their masculinity, economic dimension, a social-locational
particularly in the face of perpetual social
dimension, a cultural dimension, and a
injustices (Payne 2006). In Payne’s (2006)
gender-sexual dimension. In regards to the
study African American men offered stories
gender-sexual dimension he suggests Hip
of how they use Hip Hop to craft or construct
Hop members must be seen as ‘being hard,’
their masculinity in the face of blocked
that is, to display masculine attributes, and to
educational and economic opportunities.
never be seen as ‘being soft,’ that is, to
These young men expressed a particular
display feminine traits. The notion of ‘selling
obligation to “stand up and be a man” with
out’ or ‘going commercial’ is associated with
the intent of providing for and keeping their
‘being soft’ and hence feminises the artist and
family together to the best extent that they
creates a perception that they are no longer
could (Payne 2006). However, due to societal
authentic.
changes the role of ‘bread winner’ has

become feminised, and due to their economic
As such many Hip Hop artists who have
circumstances, the role of ‘bread winner’ has
mainstream success need to reaffirm their
not been an option for many African
masculinity in other ways. As such, they
American men for many years, which has had
often espouse themes of killing, the use of
a tremendous impact on the way in which
guns, the use and dealing of drugs, sexism,
they construct their masculinity.
misogyny and homophobia (Hutchinson

1999). These themes are often exaggerated
Kelly (1996) and Rose (1994) argue that
and invented boasts, but important cultural
supporting one’s family is no longer a
and emotive resources for scripting a
measure of manhood for street-life oriented
particular, powerful masculine identity. For
African American males, but (hetero)sexual
example, Eminem’s track ‘97 Bonnie &
promiscuity is. Hence, black women are seen
Clyde’, a murder fantasy toward his
as mere sexual objects and heterosexual
girlfriend, generated much controversy for its
conquest free of commitment is prized much
violent and misogynistic imagery (Stephens
more than marriage, which in some cases is
2005). These complaints were probably
even viewed as emasculating. In addition to
justified considering the market for this
sexual promiscuity, masculinity is also
music is adolescent males, the very group
associated with power, aggression and
that statistically commits the most hate
violence. Being a man therefore, means
crimes (Stephens 2005). However, as a white
standing up for oneself at all costs, and
rapper, Eminem must constantly enact his
‘realness’ by performing ‘hardness’. Though

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Eminem is white, his poor economic
males, a very critical stage in terms of
background, affiliation with and acceptance
identity formation, the gender salience is
by black artists and hypermasculine exacerbated. In this male enclave many
behaviour validate his social-locational and
young men perform their masculinity by
racial ‘realness’. His often explicit depictions
being ‘hard’ and ‘thug’ like. A successful
of violence, misogyny, homophobia and
performance of masculinity contributes to an
hostility toward pop singers rhetorically
individual’s accession up the subcultural
position him as a resistant to mainstream
hierarchy, although other forms of
culture and hence, not ‘soft’, even though his
subcultural capital do play a more significant
success is largely attributable to white,
role. Performing masculinity involves the
suburban teenage audiences (Stephens 2005).
repression or masking of cultural signs of

femininity. One of the most common ways
Gender Performance in Australian Hip Hop
for young men to do this is to shave their

head. Another way is to cross into African
While young white men in Australia don’t
American Vernacular English when speaking.
face the same race and poverty related
Bucholtz (1999) argues that the use of
problems as street-life oriented African
African American Vernacular English can
American men in the US, many of them
give the impression one has physical
identify with Hip Hop culture. Motivated by
strength, is physically violent, and hyper
fun, friendship and self-expression Australian
(hetero)sexual.
Hip Hop also provides a place where these

young men can define their masculinity. In
One of the simplest ways to perform
particular many of the young men who
masculinity is through acts of aggression and
participated in this research study considered
or violence. Although in my three years in the
themselves unfit misfits; certainly not jocks
field I was never once involved in a fight, I
that could fit easily into standard male
was at the beginning of the socialisation
sporting enclaves. As a male enclave, the
process, very much intimidated (however,
Australian Hip Hop culture is perhaps best
this feeling passed after I realised that much
described as neo-tribal: dispersed and loosely
of the masculine performances were exactly
organised, and hence rarely, if ever,
that, a performance, and in general I found
experienced in its totality (Maffesoli 1996).
most Hip Hop members very friendly and
Limited in time and space these gatherings
willing to help). Take for example, the
also provide the security to leave behind
following field notes from a Hip Hop night I
everyday gender identities much like how the
attended during my first month in the field:
Whitby Goth Festival provided Goulding et

al.’s (2003) Goth’s an opportunity to escape
The place was dark dingy and full of
their quotidian genders.
guys. You could smell the testosterone

in the air. I tried not to look too many
When Hip Hop culture is enacted in Australia
dodgy characters in the eyes.
the situation which arises is one in which

gender identity is extremely salient. As an
Or from one of my informants:
offshoot of the African American form this is

to be expected. However, due to the current
C: Yeah last time I went there, or the
lack of opportunities to perform masculine
time before, I almost got into three
identities in the current work place (or
fights man, just walking in… the
school), and the fact that Australian Hip Hop
crowd is fucking so angry.
culture predominantly appeals to teenage


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Although the above scenarios are extreme
a male web forum member writes about the
examples, they do illustrate the nature of Hip
“Ladies in Hip Hop” forum:
Hop culture in Australia as a male enclave
P: Already we have a website for
where masculinity is regularly performed. A
Australian Hip Hoppers, no doubt a
place where women rarely exist and those
minority. Having a place for the girls
who do are generally placed at the margins.
to hang out is cool but when you look
Because of this, women are rarely taken
at the site they bitch, moan, complain,
seriously as members of the culture. Take the
fight, threads get locked. It is
following female members perceptions for
seriously crap.
example:


The same forum has even been hijacked by
G: I think you can’t overlook the fact
male Hip Hop members on the several
that a female presence in a majority
occasions with posts that have been made for
male occupation… can lead to men
no other reason but to annoy the girls so that
reacting badly to women’s they know their subservient place within the
presence…We’re often seen as “some
culture. For example, a post in the girl’s
rapper’s girlfriend” or “just there to
forum was made by a male forum member
sleep with MC’s.”
entitled “Keeping your bitches in line” which

listed the best ways for a man to control one’s
My observations in the field agree with the
girlfriend.
above statement. In fact, as I progressed

deeper into the culture I too could be charged
According to Guevara (1996) the masculine
with having “she must be some rapper’s
qualities of Hip Hop performance is what
girlfriend” thoughts. However, my keeps many females from becoming
observations also suggest that many of the
participators. This is reinforced in the
women at the periphery of the culture do
following quote by a female Hip Hop
dress extremely provocatively, and hence
participant:
perpetuate these stereotypes. This of course,

does make it extremely hard for women who
G: I think women are easily put off by
actually do desire to actively participate in
what they see on the outside of Hip
the culture. In response, my observations
Hop. That it is primarily a ‘battle
suggest that many female artists in the
culture’ that cuts down the weak and
Australian Hip Hop culture who are respected
focuses on very masculine habits and
by men are those who have enacted
achievements. I don’t think that ethos
masculine traits.
attracts women in vast numbers.


In need of a space to call their own and
This masculine environment keeps Hip Hop
secure from the sexism so prevalent in Hip
as a male only enclave and also restricts the
Hop, a group of females who are interested in
entrance to other man who may be too
participating in Australian Hip Hop culture
insecure with their masculinities to take the
created a forum entitled “Ladies in Hip Hop”
first step.
on an Australian Hip Hop website. This

forum acted as a place where direct and
Feminising the Other
legitimate criticism of the sexism in Hip Hop

could be discussed, however it was often
Hip Hop culture and music is often criticised
reduced by men to “bitching” or complaining
for promoting sexism and misogyny
as a way of containing descent. For example,
throughout the world. With tracks like 2 Live

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Crew’s “Me So Horny” and Dr. Dre’s
mainstream Hip Hop artists who wear this
“Bitches Ain’t Shit” it is perhaps too easy a
fashion, and are considered as ‘being soft’ as
target (Neal 2004b). However, sexism in Hip
they have gone commercial. The final line
Hop has been gravely exaggerated by the
again feminises Suffa’s competitor by
mainstream press. The music is rich,
associating him with a homosexual. These
complex, and multifaceted and the style and
lyrics are not meant as literal descriptions of
subject matter ranges from obsessive sexism,
homophobia, they do however illustrate the
to the politically intelligent, from gangster-
playful use of language within Hip Hop
style storytelling, to Christian rap (Rose
(Kelley 1996).
2004). Within Australian Hip Hop sexist and

misogynistic lyrics are rare (although they do
Stephens (2005) argues that the use of
exist). However, lyrics that feminise the other
homophobic terms in Hip Hop is more
are abundant particularly in freestyle
appropriately termed genderphobia than
performances, and are even often made as
homophobia. He argues that Hip Hop artists
comments in ordinary conversation.
use homophobic language to critique gender

behaviour, not sexual orientation. That is,
Take for example the following lyrics from
Hip Hop members often espouse homophobic
the battle track “Simmy the Gravy Spitter” by
rhetoric, but these taunts are usually directed
the Hilltop Hoods:
at male rivals as a way of stripping them of

their manhood, and mocking their
You couldn’t battle me with that lame
masculinity and strength. Hence, within Hip
rhyme,
Hop, heterosexual people are often victims of
You couldn’t come hard with two
taunts such as ‘fag’, ‘gay’, and ‘poof’. Free
women at the same time,
and Hughson (2003) found similar rhetorical
You walk in the club dipped in jewels
use of the terms amongst football hooligans.
and Versace,
Participators in the Australian Hip Hop
Only gay guys wear that much gold,
culture are very much aware of the
ask Liberace.
emasculating ability of such taunts. Take the

following insight, again from G:
These masculinist narratives are essentially

verbal duels over who is the most masculine
G: It is still acceptable in most cases,
MC around. In the first line we see Suffa MC
to the majority of listeners, for a male
of the Hilltop Hoods accuse his competitor’s
MC to diss another male for being
rhymes of being weak and effeminate by
‘gay’ or a ‘fag’. This is casual
being lame. In the next line, he directly takes
homophobia, but it’s allowed. Why?
a swing at his competitor’s masculinity and
Because it defines for the listeners
sexual prowess, claiming that he would not
and the rapper what it means ‘to be a
be capable of ejaculating with an erection
man’. This gay epithet is used
even if two women were involved. The third
countless times because it is a useful
line is an attack on his competitor’s
shorthand way to assert that ‘a real
consumption habits. The wearing of jewels
man’ is tough, never weak, is staunch
and high end mainstream fashion such as
and never a sook, and fucks, and is
Versace is perceived as inauthentic by the
never fucked.
Australian Hip Hop culture as you are

pretending to be something you are not (i.e.
This type of discourse feminises the other,
African American) (Arthur 2006). strips them of their masculinity, while it
Furthermore, it associates the competitor with
masculinises oneself in front of other men.

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Homophobic rhetoric is not the only way to
pimp is common amongst Hip Hop fans. The
emasculate another. Sexist taunts based on
pimp has become a hero of Hip Hop world, a
female genitalia (i.e. pussy, etc) are also used
man with a harem of women, lots of money,
to label those who are feminine. These
and big cars. Many artists boast about their
performances are scripted within the
sexual prowess, and promiscuity in their
institutional structure of the Australian Hip
rhymes, and in 2005, 50 Cent released the hit
Hop subculture (as in Celsi, Rose and Leigh’s
single P.I.M.P., an ode to pimping. The pimp
(1993) skydiving community). However,
fantasy is appealing to young men as it turns
there is another Hip Hop consumption
matriarchy on its head. In the pimp fantasy,
experience that is not necessarily literally
young men can be the ultimate dominator,
enacted. That is, the consumption of the Hip
they can use force to keep their women in
Hop fantasy. These dramas are as much
line, they can treat women like dirt and they
created in the consumer’s imagination as they
will keep coming back. Basically, this fantasy
are scripted by others.
is the antithesis of everything that they will

ever be able to do, and the only place they
Consuming Hip Hop Fantasy
can enact it is in their imaginations, while

listening to gangster albums, or watching
The US form of Hip Hop that is commonly
MTV.
known as gangster rap attracts many young

white male listeners for whom the ghetto is
The Gangster Fantasy. Many teenagers’
an imagined place of adventure, unbridled
masculine desires can be enacted by violent
violence, and erotic fantasy, a mythic
fantasy. Take for example the Warhammer (a
alternative to the boredom of the suburban
battle oriented re-enactment game)
bedroom (Kelley 1996). While arousing
enthusiasts in Park and Deshpande’s (2004)
playfulness and escapism, much Hip Hop
study. These young men were attracted by
music allows the listeners to consume the
violent imagery, and in essence were acting
fantasy of living a more masculine life. These
out their own masculine fantasies albeit in a
fantasies are created by the participants
very safe manner. Teenage fans of gangster
themselves through the interpretation of
rap are also consuming the fantasy of being
music, lyrics, music videos, films and
in a violent adventure. As gangster rap treats
television programs (Belk and Costa 1998).
crime as a mode of survival and as a form of
In these fantasies teenage boys can forge
rebellion, it idealises violence and criminal
strong masculine gender identities, gender
activity and hence the villain becomes a very
identities that they can not possibly assume at
appealing character (Kelley 1996). These
school, at work, or at home. These fantasies
characters are so appealing to young men that
partly explain why the quasi-ethnographic
the record sales of artists immediately after
ghetto raps of NWA and the like have
being involved in any real life gangster
obtained huge white male followings. The
scenarios are always extraordinarily high
fantasies essentially fall into one of two
(such as the sales of Snoop Dogg’s Doggy
categories (or they can be a combination of
Style after he was arrested for murder) as it
both): the pimp fantasy, and the gangster
confirms these artists as ‘real’ gangsters. The
fantasy.
most ‘gangster’ of all Hip Hop artists at the

present time is 50 Cent: big-framed with oft-
The Pimp Fantasy. Teenage boys sexual
showcased biceps, abs, and tattoos as well as
desires are often kept in check by teenage
his trademark bullet-proof vest, pistol, and
girls and their parents rules. Nevertheless, a
iced crucifix. 50 has dealt drugs, conducted
boy can dream, and the fantasy of being a
crimes, been imprisoned, been stabbed, and

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most famously of all, been shot nine times.
Culture," Qualitative Market Research: An
Of course, such experiences have become
International Journal, 9 (2), 140-156.
50's standard rhetoric and are the sign posts

of consumer fantasy that help a teenager
Belk, Russell W. and Janeen Arnold Costa
visualise and fantasise scenarios. 50’s most
(1998), "The Mountain Man Myth: A
recent release sold over 1 million units in the
Contemporary Consuming Fantasy," Journal
US in four days (Kitwana 2005), his latest
of Consumer Research, 25 (December), 218-
album "The Massacre" was No. 1 in the US
240.
for six weeks and at one time he had four

current top 10 hits, the first artist to do so
Bucholtz, Mary (1999), "You da man:
since the Beatles. Since then he has since
Narrating the racial in the production of white
released a feature film “Get Rich or Die
masculinity," Journal of Sociolinguistics, 3
Tryin” along with the associated game “50
(4), 443-460.
Cent: Bulletproof” available on PS2, X-Box

and PSP. Hence, teenage males who wish to
Butler, Judith P. (1990), Gender Trouble:
consume the gangster fantasy can now also
Feminism and the Subversion of Identity,
do it at the cinema or on their PlayStation
New York: Routledge.
from the safety of their bedrooms.


_____ (1993), Bodies that Matter: On the
CONCLUSION
Discursive Limits of "Sex", New York:

Routledge.
The findings of this study revealed that Hip

Hop culture is a gender salient male enclave
Caru, Antonella, Bernard Cova, and Elisabeth
where masculinity is enacted by members.
Tissier-Desbordes (2004), "Consumerscapes
The performance of gender is enacted
as Enclaves of Masculinity," paper presented
through the performance of being ‘hard’, the
at 7th ACR Conference on Gender,
repression of feminine traits, and the crossing
Marketing and Consumer Behaviour,
over into African American Vernacular
Madison, Wisconsin.
English. Such performances limit female Hip

Hop membership de facto. Hip Hop members
Celsi, Richard L., Randall L. Rose, and
often use sexist, and homophobic taunts, but
Thomas. W. Leigh (1993), "An Exploration
not as attacks on females or homosexuals, but
of High-Risk Leisure Consumption through
to feminise the other, and hence masculinise
Skydiving," Journal of Consumer Research,
oneself. Finally, it was found that gangster
20 (June), 1-23.
rap is often consumed as a fantasy in which

teenage males can forge strong masculine
Elliot, Richard and Nick Jankel-Elliot (2003),
gender identities, gender identities that they
"Using ethnography in strategic consumer
can not possibly assume at school, at work, or
research," Qualitative Market Research: An
at home. The fantasies essentially fall into
International Journal, 6 (4), 215-223.
one of two categories: the pimp fantasy, and

the gangster fantasy.
Fischer, Eileen and Stephen J. Arnold (1994),

"Sex, Gender Identity, Gender Role
REFERENCES
Attitudes, and Consumer Behaviour,"

Psychology and Marketing, 11 (2), 163-182.
Arthur, Damien (2006), "Authenticity and

Consumption in the Australian Hip Hop
Free, Marcus and John Hughson (2003),
"Settling Accounts with Hooligans: Gender

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