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Human Factors and the Design of Everyday Data Collection Tools

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An essential part of a successful healthcare quality improvement culture is the continuous improvement of the tools used for measuring quality. In this paper, we discuss the quality of different data collection systems; the use of a human factors approach for improving the quality of data collection tools, with the Resident Assessment Instrument-Minimum Data Set (RAI-MDS) as an example; and how this approach may be applied to other healthcare data collection systems. The RAI-MDS is an example of a tool in which thorough data are collected that enable us to view a comprehensive picture of healthcare quality. The development of similar tools and widespread use for additional healthcare settings (other than nursing facilities) would be a boon to the advancement of healthcare quality. Along with development, efforts to continuously improve the quality of such tools are an essential aspect for continuous improvement of healthcare quality
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DELMARVA FOUNDATION
I N S I G H T S I N S I G H T S I N S I G H T S I N S I G H T S I N S I G H T S
Human Factors and the Design of Everyday Data Collection Tools
Authors: Howard Townsend, PhD, and Sandra Lesikar, PhD
June 2004
I N S I G H T S I N S I G H T S I N S I G H T S I N S I G H T S I N S I G H T S
I N S I G H T S

Human Factors and the Design of Everyday Data
Collection Tools
Executive Summary
An essential part of a successful healthcare quality improvement culture is the continuous
improvement of the tools used for measuring quality. In this paper, we discuss the quality of
different data collection systems; the use of a human factors approach for improving the quality of
data collection tools, with the Resident Assessment Instrument-Minimum Data Set (RAI-MDS) as an
example; and how this approach may be applied to other healthcare data collection systems.
The RAI-MDS is an example of a tool in which thorough data are collected that enable us to view a
comprehensive picture of healthcare quality. The development of similar tools and widespread use
for additional healthcare settings (other than nursing facilities) would be a boon to the advancement
of healthcare quality. Along with development, efforts to continuously improve the quality of such
tools are an essential aspect for continuous improvement of healthcare quality.
To advance a quality improvement culture in healthcare, tools that ensure thoroughness, accuracy,
and reliability are necessary. The human factors approach to the development of data collection tools
that can be used to improve detection and, ultimately, prevention of errors in data thus prevents
erroneous information from being used to measure healthcare quality. By reducing the error in
healthcare data through considerations of the design of data collection tools, the “picture of
healthcare quality” becomes clearer, quality of care can be measured more accurately, interventions
can be designed more effectively, and resulting improvements can be estimated with greater
confidence.

1

Introduction
Human culture has made advances through time not because of biological or physical advances in
the composition of a human, but through the development and refinement of everyday tools that
serve as extensions of our biological and physical composition. Groups that have continued to refine
tools and invent new ones have become the predominant cultures on the earth, whereas groups that
have retained the use of Stone-Age tools have gone extinct or remain in small, isolated areas of the
globe. If a healthcare quality improvement culture is to proliferate, then the tools of improvement
should be continuously refined. An essential part of a successful healthcare quality improvement
culture is the continuous improvement of the tools used for measuring quality.
In virtually all quality improvement paradigms—from Baldrige to Six Sigma—measurement of
quality is considered to be a critical component of quality improvement. However, in the arena of
healthcare quality improvement, the accuracy and completeness of data for measuring quality are not
always given the requisite attention. As public reporting of quality measures and the use of provider
incentives to improve quality become more common, the use of accurate, reliable data for calculating
results and indicators is imperative, and standardized data collection systems used in similar settings
should be the norm. In this paper, we discuss the quality of different data collection systems and the
use of a human factors approach for improving the quality of data collection tools.
Largely, administrative data—data used for payment of providers (e.g., claims, encounters, and
enrollment data) from a variety of settings (inpatient, outpatient, professional offices, etc.)—have
been successfully used to measure quality (Asch, Sloss, Hogan, Brooks, & Kravitz, 2001; Black &
Roos, 1998; Goldfield & Villani, 1996; Johantgen, Elixhauser, Bali, Goldfarb, & Harris, 1998;
Schwartz, Gagnon, Muri, Zhao, & Kellog, 1999). In many cases, success has hinged on systematic
review of data collection systems and verification of data accuracy. Administrative data are an
attractive source of information for monitoring healthcare quality because they are 1) readily available
from computerized healthcare databases, 2) relatively inexpensive to acquire, and 3) encompass large
and diverse populations, lending themselves statistical and interpretive power (sensu Iezzoni, 1997).
These attributes allow vast pictures of healthcare quality to be developed with broad sweeping
strokes. However, often the shortcomings of using administrative data to assess quality are
overlooked. Limitations in the scope of data recorded in administrative data systems may prevent the
capture of sufficient data to accurately assess quality (Hsu, Go, & Selby, 2001; Keating et al., 2003;
Kieszak, Flanders, Kosinski, Shipp, & Karp, 1999; Majoor, Ibrahim, Cicuttini, Boyce, & McNeil,
1999; Schneider, Wiblin, Downs, & O’Donnell, 2001). Although administrative data lack the
thoroughness of medical records data, their major advantage is their accessibility.
Medical record abstraction and other data tools based on assessment of patients may provide a more
complete view of the quality of care provided to a patient, but these tools are labor intensive,

2

expensive, and introduce more subjectivity in measurement than the use of large administrative data
sets. While medical record abstraction data enable a finer-grain view of healthcare quality, they lack
the breadth and statistical power of administrative data (Peabody, Luck, Glassman, Dresselhaus, &
Lee, 2000; Steinwachs et al., 1998). Lack of proper documentation within medical records is another
difficulty that makes medical record abstraction data less comprehensive (Peabody et al., 2000).
The use of these tools separately poses major threats to the continued proliferation of a quality
improvement culture. By using administrative data sources (and other tools not directly associated
with healthcare quality), the risk of “fuzzy” assessment of quality is high. The perceived fuzziness of
measures from administrative data makes quality improvement a hard sell, because changes in quality
may be interpreted as being attributable to noise in the system rather than actual changes in quality.
Conversely, medical record abstraction, while providing a more detailed picture of quality, may lead
to quality being viewed as a parasite on healthcare. Cultures that deal effectively with parasites have a
greater chance of successful propagation than those with a high parasite burden.
Ultimately, for a tool to be effective, it should be associated with the measurement of payment (an
essential part of a healthcare system) but in a symbiotic relationship. The tool should allow capture of
complete patient diagnostic and assessment information, which is necessary for accurate and
complete payment for services as well as for developing a finer grain view of the quality of care
provided. In most recent quality improvement paradigms, the quality of goods and services is
associated with value, i.e., quality improvement is positively correlated with increases in return on
investment. Logically, quality of assessment would be positively correlated with measurement of
costs and values. A quality improvement culture that is able to construct effective tools will have a
higher probability of successful propagation than one that uses Stone-Age tools.
A significant advancement in cost and quality data collection tools is embodied in the Resident
Assessment Instrument-Minimum Data Set (RAI-MDS) developed by the Centers for Medicare &
Medicaid Services (CMS) and its partners for measuring costs and quality of care for nursing home
residents. Developers of the most recent version (version 2.0) of the RAI-MDS have made
significant strides in interweaving the measurement of payment and cost-related data with quality of
life and care for residents. In addition, the developers have recognized and acted on the need for
continuous quality improvement in tool development. It is in this spirit of continuous quality
improvement that we have written this paper and use the RAI-MDS as an example of how a human
factors approach can be used to improve the design of healthcare data collection tools and ultimately
the quality of health and healthcare for every American.
In this paper, we demonstrate how using human factors thinking can aid in minimizing errors in the
collection of data for healthcare quality and costs. We outline the human factors approach to
understanding human error; demonstrate how human factors and human error may affect the

3

accuracy and effectiveness of the measurement of healthcare quality, using the RAI-MDS as an
example; and discuss how this approach may be used for other healthcare data collection systems.
Human Factors Approach to Understanding Error
The human factors approach to understanding error is founded on understanding the underlying
psychological functioning and how that makes us likely or unlikely to execute a sequence of actions
correctly. Some of the inherent abilities that humans possess make us able to easily deduce
information from a busy world full of stimuli, to make sense of this information, and to gather this
spotty data and make generalizations. However, these abilities also leave us prone to error making;
hence, the familiar phrase—to err is human. These same abilities that have always set us apart, also
make it easy for us to see patterns of similarities and differences that may not really exist, to
generalize information too rapidly, and to jump to conclusions.
The first delineation of error types is the intention of the person taking action and making the
mistake. The clearest explanation of the distinction of slips and mistakes comes from The Design of
Everyday Things
(Norman, 2002, p. 106): “Form an appropriate goal but mess up in the performance,
and you’ve made a slip…Form the wrong goal, and you’ve made a mistake.” Slips are generally
smaller actions and are easier to discover by monitoring the process or procedure that failed to
achieve the intended goal. In contrast, mistakes may be major events, with flawless processes and
procedures. Mistakes may be impossible to detect. Table 1 provides a summary of the major error
types.
Table 1. Distinctions between error types adapted from Reason (1990)

Slips and Lapses
Mistake
Mistake
(Skill-Based Error)
(Rule-Based Error)
(Knowledge-Based
Error)
Type of Activity
Routine actions
Problem-solving actions
Focus of Attention
Not on task at hand
Directed at problem-related issues
Control Mode
Automatic processors
Automatic processors
Limited, conscious
(schemata)
(stored rules)
processes
Predictability
Largely predictable
Variable
Ratio of Error to
The absolute number is high, but these types
The ratio is high,
Opportunity for Error
represent a relatively small proportion of the
but absolute
opportunities for error
number is low
Influence of
Low to moderate; intrinsic factors (frequency of
Extrinsic factors likely
Situational Factors
prior use, i.e., experience) likely to exert
to dominate
dominant influence
Ease of Detection
Usually fairly rapid
Difficult and often only achieved through
external intervention



4

Slips and Lapses
Errors are either intentional or unintentional. This distinction is important for the detection of errors
and results in different types of interventions and corrective actions. Slips and lapses are
unintentional errors. They usually result from practiced behaviors overtaking our current actions that
unintentionally and subconsciously cause us to veer off from the path that would get us to our
intended goal. An example of a slip that occurs in everyday life is all too fam iliar: we get in the car
after work with the intention of stopping at the store on the way home and suddenly find ourselves
in our driveway in front of our house. We had set the appropriate goal—of going to the store—but
well-practiced routines (i.e., driving home from work) took over our behavior and caused us to make
a slip.
Slips are often separated into six categories: capture errors, description errors, data-driven errors,
associative activation errors, loss of activation errors, and mode errors. These categories help us to
understand the specific underlying cause of the slip and guide us to the appropriate corrective action.
The underlying cause for slips is usually a result of a lapse in attention or the similarity of actions.
Capture Errors
Capture errors occur when a well-practiced activity “captures” your attention and takes over the task.
The previous example of intending to drive to the store and instead ending up at home is a classic
example of a capture error.
Description Errors
The most common type of errors, description errors occur when the mental description of the action
to be taken is too vague or when there are two similar response stimuli adjacent to each other. For
example, if a box of baby cereal is adjacent to similar box of powdered automatic dishwashing
detergent, the mental description of the activity may be to pour one cup of powder from the box on
the shelf into the food bowl and add water. In error, we might feed the baby soap powder. The
function of the design of many things makes them prone to slips, i.e., long rows of switches and
forms with columns of identical check boxes.
Data-Driven Errors
Data-driven errors happen when new information arrives that intrudes on the current actions. For
example, if someone is trying to remember a phone number by mentally rehearsing the string of
digits and a paging system intrudes and announces another string of digits, he or she can no longer
distinguish the phone number from the numbers heard over the paging system.
Associative Activation Errors
Associative activation errors occur when a stimulus requires a similar but not identical action to
another stimulus and we mistakenly substitute the wrong, but similar, action. For example, a

5

receptionist for a busy corporation may frequently answer the phone at home with the corporate
greeting she uses at work.
Loss of Activation Errors
These errors occur when we forget the purpose of our goal. We have completed part of the sequence
of activities but suddenly forget the ultimate goal and are therefore unable to compete the task and
fulfill the goal. The classic example of this is walking into a room and forgetting the reason for being
there. These are common errors but we are usually able compensate by walking back into the room
and “re-activating” our memory of the goal of our original actions.
Mode Errors
Mode errors occur when a single device has multiple modes and the user is required to remember
what mode the device is in to operate it properly. Calculators, cameras, computers, watches, and
other electronic equipment are excellent examples of devices with features that have multiple modes.
Mistakes
Mistakes are intentional errors. These types of errors result from conscious choices. For example, we
get in our car to go home with the intention of arriving as quickly as physically possible, but we find
ourselves on the roadside giving our driver’s license and registration to a police officer. We set the
wrong goal—arriving home as quickly as possible; we should have set the goal of arriving home as
quickly as legally possible.
Mistakes have been further broken down into two categories: 1) rule-based mistakes and 2)
knowledge-based mistakes. Rule-based mistakes arise from the use of rules for an action in which the
situation has changed from the typical situation. For example, a person accustomed to making a right
turn at a red light (when no traffic is observed to the driver’s immediate left in the intersecting lane)
may have an accident if he or she continues operating according to that rule in a five-way intersection
where traffic may be coming from different lanes. Knowledge-based mistakes result from situational
changes for which a person has no experience and has not anticipated the changes. For example,
young drivers may fail to reduce speed appropriately while driving on an icy road, because they lack
knowledge of how their vehicle handles.
Error Detection and Correction
The capacity of the human brain to handle complex informational tasks is remarkable; however, this
capacity is imperfect and as a result, errors are inevitable. To mitigate the consequences of error,
resources have to be dedicated to the detection and correction of error. In this section we consider
the ways in which slips, lapses, and mistakes can be detected and corrected, and how these can be
used to ensure that the design of tools allows for quick and accurate collection of data.

6

In general, people detect an error in one of three ways: 1) they find it themselves, 2) something in the
working environment provides evidence of an error, or 3) someone tells them about the error. The
modes of detection range in complexity and the level of effort required to execute them, thus the
mode of error detection determines promptness and efficiency of error correction. Conversely, the
energy and effort required for different modes of error detection may decrease the efficiency with
which a task is accomplished. Thus, to maximize the efficiency with which a task is performed
correctly, optimal allocation of effort to different modes of error detection is necessary.
Ideally, to maximize efficiency of data collection tools, to the extent possible, error detection and
correction should be relegated to machines, so that an operator’s mental workspace can be dedicated
to the completion of the task at hand.
Human Factors and the RAI-MDS
Our objective in this paper is to give examples of the types of human error that are likely to be made
when administrators and clinicians use the RAI-MDS tools and suggest methods for preventing and
detecting such errors. There are different questions to consider when evaluating the set-up of a data
collection tool:
1) Is the data collection tool a paper tool or an electronic tool?
2) Are the questions related to easily verifiable information or a subjective opinion or
judgment?
3) How specific are the guidelines for responses?
Answers to these questions can guide the detection and prevention of human error in collecting data.
This approach may be applied to any data collection tool. The first few sections of the MDS tool
(AA, AB, AC, and A) are primarily for the collection of administrative data (name, identification
numbers, etc.). Recording of such information would be a routine action and may result in a slip or
lapse, such as recording a phone number where a Medicare identification number is required. Two
main techniques for error correction and detection could be used for these sections. The first would
be for the person completing these sections to double check entries made on the form to ensure that
the correct responses were recorded. Of course, double checking may easily become a routine action,
in which case it may also be subject to slips and lapses, especially in a chaotic or high-pressure
environment. In this case, error detection based on information technology may be desirable. For
example, an electronic version of the MDS form may force the value of a Medicare identification
number to conform to the specifications of a Medicare identification number. The sooner this type
of slip is detected, the more quickly and effectively it can be corrected, thereby reducing the burden
and cost of recording this information.

7

Other sections of the MDS tool are based on clinical assessment of nursing home residents and, in
general, require a higher level of cognitive processing than the administrative portion. As a result,
these sections are more prone to rule- and knowledge-based errors (i.e., mistakes). In addition,
responses to some of the MDS items are based on clinical judgment. To the extent that some of the
responses are subjective, error detection may be difficult. Two different individuals may respond to
the same MDS item differently, and neither individual is necessarily incorrect.
For example, consider item C6 on the RAI-MDS (residents’ ability to understand others). The
response options for this item are “understands,” “usually understands,” “sometimes understands,”
and “rarely/never understands.” Clinician A may respond that the resident “usually understands,”
whereas Clinician B may respond that the resident “sometimes understands.” The absolute truth
about how well a resident understands lies within the resident, who may not be able to express how
well he or she understands. Thus the “correct” response to item C6 cannot be known and the extent
to which this item has been answered erroneously cannot be identified.
Although this type of error is difficult to detect, data collection tools can be designed to reduce errors
attributable to differences in clinical judgment. Essentially, these are rule-based errors. In the above
example, the two clinicians may have developed internal rules for making a determination on item
C6, i.e., they may have internal definitions for the codes for the item, but their rules might differ, as
shown by Table 2. Because both of the examples of internal rules are consistent with the descriptions
for coding this item, both clinicians’ responses may be considered accurate. However, because their
responses differ, neither response can be considered reliable. The fault of this inconsistency does not
necessarily lie with the clinicians, but rather is a result of a shortcoming in the tool design.
Table 2. Examples of internal rules for coding MDS item C6 (residents’ ability to understand others)
Definition (Internal Rule)
Code
Description
Clinician A
Clinician B
Resident rarely stares
Resident never stares
blankly in response to
blankly in response to
my questions or
my questions or
0
Understands
instructions (i.e., never
instructions (i.e., 0% of
more than 5% of the
the time during an
time during an
interaction)
interaction)
Resident occasionally
Resident occasionally
stares blankly in
stares blankly in
Usually understands—
response to my
response to my
1
may miss some
questions or
questions or
part/intent of message
instructions (i.e., 5–
instructions (i.e., 1–
50% of the time during 40% of the time during
an interaction)
an interaction)

8

Definition (Internal Rule)
Code
Description
Clinician A
Clinician B
Resident frequently
Resident frequently
Sometimes
stares blankly in
stares blankly in
understands—
response to my
response to my
2
responds adequately
questions or
questions or
to simple, direct
instructions (i.e., 51–
instructions (i.e., 41–
communication
89% of the time during 94% of the time during
an interaction)
an interaction)
Resident always stares Resident always stares
blankly in response to
blankly in response to
3
Rarely/Never
my questions or
my questions or
understands
instructions (i.e., more
instructions (i.e., more
than 90% of the time
than 95% of the time
during an interaction)
during an interaction)

To improve the design, item responses or codes should be based on observable, measurable data. As
much as possible, objective rather than subjective data should be used for determining costs and
assessing quality of healthcare, so that information is consistent and reliable. In the example of
differing judgment on item C6, the tool could be improved by providing specific, quantifiable
definitions for each code to standardize internal rules used by clinicians.
In addition to being prone to rule-based errors, MDS items that depend on clinical or professional
judgment are prone to knowledge-based errors. Knowledge-based errors, like rule-based errors, are
difficult to detect, and, in some circumstances, may be detected but disregarded, because the detector
is assumed to be knowledgeable. When judgment is necessary for determining correct responses to
data collection tools, then error detection becomes more difficult. Although no foolproof methods
for detecting knowledge-based errors are available, mechanisms for detecting some knowledge-based
errors can be implemented. Logical consistency checks (i.e., edits) may be used in an electronic tool
to detect possible error. For example, if an MDS assessment is coded that the patient is comatose
(item B1) but also independent in all activities of daily living (section G—walking, dressing, eating,
etc.) this is a clinical logical inconsistency. An “edit” could be programmed into the software tool that
collects that data to warn the user that a logical inconsistency exists, and recommend re-checking
items involved or re-evaluating the patient.
This type of error detection may also prove useful in determining whether errors are truly the result
of a misapplied rule (or a lack of knowledge) or if the intent of the person making the error is to
“game the system.” A pattern of misapplications of rules for data tool use in which the mistake
consistently favors the tool user (whether by increasing financial gains or “painting a better picture”
of the quality of care provided) may be indicative of attempts to abuse the system.

9

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