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Monaghan, Derevensky & Sklar: Impact of gambling…
Impact of gambling advertisements and marketing on
children and adolescents: Policy recommendations to
minimise harm
Sally Monaghan1, Jeffrey Derevensky2, & Alyssa Sklar2
1School of Psychology, The University of Sydney, Australia. Email:
sallym@psych.usyd.edu.au
2International Centre for Youth Gambling Problems and High-Risk Behaviors, McGill
University, Canada.
Abstract
With the proliferation and acceptance of gambling in society, gambling advertisements
have become increasingly prominent. Despite attempts to protect minors from harm by
prohibiting them from engaging in most forms of gambling, there are few restrictions on
the marketing of gambling products. Evidence of high rates of gambling and associated
problems amongst youth indicates that the issue of youth gambling must be addressed to
minimise harm. This paper aims to examine the current marketing techniques used to
promote gambling and how they affect youth. The effect of multiple forms of
advertisements will be discussed, including advertising placement in the media, point-of-
sale displays, sports sponsorship, promotional products, celebrity endorsements,
advertisements using Internet and wireless technology, and content which may appeal to
or mislead children. Based on research in gambling and other public health domains,
including tobacco, alcohol, and junk food advertising, recommendations are made for
appropriate regulations for gambling advertisements to minimise the potential harms.
Keywords: youth, children, adolescents, gambling, advertisements, marketing,
promotions, policy recommendations
Introduction
Gambling is one of the fastest growing industries in the world (Binde, 2006). With the
increasing accessibility and availability of gambling on Internet and wireless technology,
in addition to more traditional forums, international revenue from legalised gambling is
estimated to surpass US$100 billion by 2010 (Price Waterhouse Coopers, 2005).
Concomitant with the growth in revenues, gambling advertising expenditure also appears
to be increasing, verified by reports from Canada, Europe, and the UK (Advertising
Association, 2007; Binde, 2007; British Columbia Lottery Corporation, 1996). Moreover,
the allocation of money devoted to advertising gambling far outweighs the amounts
designated for the prevention of problem gambling. For example, Ontario reportedly
spends more money on prevention, treatment, and research than any other international
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jurisdiction, expending C$36 million in 2003/2004 (Sadinsky, 2005). However, the
Ontario Lottery and Gaming Corporation's advertising budget is in excess of C$570
million, which excludes the budgets of the three provincial commercial casinos, which
similarly advertise their offers (Williams, West, & Simpson, 2007). With increases in
both gambling accessibility and gambling marketing in society, the impact of advertising
on at-risk populations, including youth, needs to be considered.
There is increasing evidence to suggest that minors are engaging in gambling and
developing more gambling-related problems than any other age cohort. Research from
Canada, the US, the UK, Norway, and Australia shows that 63% to 82% of teenagers (12
to 17 years of age) gamble each year, 4% to 7% of adolescents exhibit serious patterns of
pathological gambling, and 10% to 15% are at risk for either developing or returning to a
serious gambling problem (Delfabbro & Thrupp, 2003; Derevensky & Gupta, 2004;
Johansson & Götestam, 2003; National Research Council, 1999). Furthermore, research
suggests that problem gamblers typically develop these behaviours during their teenage
years (Blaszczynski, Walker, Sagris, & Dickerson, 1997). These high rates of problem
gambling amongst youth, which are significantly higher than those found in adult
populations, are particularly disconcerting given the strong associations found between
problem gambling and other maladaptive behaviours, including delinquency, substance
use, gorging/vomiting, and unprotected sex, as well as mood and personality disorders,
criminality, disrupted social relationships, poorer educational outcomes, and suicidal
ideation and attempts (Derevensky & Gupta, 2004; Fisher, 1999; Gupta & Derevensky,
1998; Huang, Jacobs, Derevensky, Gupta, & Paskus, 2007; Yeoman & Griffiths, 1996).
As the gambling industry expands, new technology is introduced, and social acceptability
continues, several national commissions and prominent researchers have predicted that
there will likely be a progressive increase in serious gambling-related problems
experienced by youth (Derevensky & Gupta, 2004; Jacobs, 2004). Although most
jurisdictions have legislation prohibiting minors from engaging in many regulated forms
of gambling, the opportunities to control underage gambling are limited, and youth are
increasingly exposed to messages from a broad range of media which endorse, promote,
and glamorise gambling, suggesting further effort is required to protect this population
from gambling-related harm.
The powerful impact of advertising on children and adolescents has been examined in
several public health domains, including alcohol, tobacco, and junk food consumption.
But while regulations are increasingly enforced for these products in recognition of the
potential harm caused by certain marketing techniques, the effects of gambling
advertisements on youth have been largely neglected. Currently, guidelines for
responsible gambling are largely voluntary (e.g., the American Gaming Association's
voluntary Code of Conduct for Responsible Gaming, which includes a pledge to
“advertise responsibly”; American Gaming Association, 2003). Furthermore, US lotteries
are exempt from Federal Truth in Advertising laws due to the separation of powers
(lotteries in the US are state-run and therefore exempt from federal law). Both the UK
National Lottery Commission and Loto-Québec have been praised for sound and
responsible codes of practice (Griffiths, 2005), but notwithstanding current endeavours,
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the problems experienced by adolescent gamblers indicate that further efforts are
necessary.
Despite the increasing awareness of the importance of addressing the issue of youth
gambling, and steps taken towards implementing advertising codes, there is little
empirical research on the impact of the marketing of gambling products on youth.
Consequently, until further research is conducted, in addition to examining research on
gambling advertisements, it is necessary to examine studies of marketing in other public
health domains, such as alcohol and tobacco, and consider whether it is appropriate to
extrapolate the findings to gambling. This paper aims to examine the current advertising
and marketing practices used to promote gambling products and how they may affect
youth and to recommend policies regulating the marketing of gambling products to
minimise the risks presented to youth.
Marketing strategies used to promote gambling
Gambling advertisements in the media
It is widely acknowledged that the media have a powerful effect on people's behaviours
and attitudes, and that the objective of any commercial advertisement is to capture
consumer attention, convey positive attitudes towards the product, and encourage the
adoption of the messages espoused. Youth appear to be particularly vulnerable to the
effects of advertising. A recent study found young adolescents (aged 11 to 12) exposed to
high levels of advertising for alcohol from multiple sources were subsequently 50% more
likely to drink and 36% more likely to have intentions to drink in the upcoming year than
those at lower levels of advertising exposure (Collins, Ellickson, McCaffrey, &
Hambarsoomians, 2007), demonstrating the enduring effects of advertising on youth.
Gambling advertisements directly increase the availability of gambling by informing
individuals about opportunities to gamble and attempting to influence and modify
attitudes through their communicative processes (Hastings, Anderson, Cooke, & Gordon,
2005).
The high level of exposure to gambling advertisements in society has led to its
normalisation and perception as an acceptable, harmless, and credible activity (Moore &
Ohtsuka, 1999). Griffiths and Wood (2001) have argued that advertising introduces
children and teens to the principles of gambling which occurs in a social context where
gambling is generally viewed as an exciting, harmless form of entertainment.
Adolescents perceive the central messages of gambling advertisements to be that
gambling leads to winning (easy money) and that gambling is fun and enjoyable and part
of a worry-free and entertaining lifestyle, requiring none of the real efforts of school or an
actual job (Derevensky et al., 2007).
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Adolescents are frequently exposed to gambling advertisements, most often on television
(reportedly viewed by 96% of youth), closely followed by the Internet (93%), with
advertisements on billboards and in newspapers and magazines also commonly viewed
(Derevensky et al., 2007; Felsher, Derevensky, & Gupta, 2004). Similar to what has been
found in studies of alcohol advertising, gambling commercials appear to have a
significant influence on youth; one study found 42% of youth report that gambling
advertisements make them want to try gambling and 61% imagine or dream about what
they could buy with their winnings (Derevensky et al., 2007). An earlier study found 39%
of adolescents would be more likely to purchase a lottery ticket after viewing an
advertisement (Felsher et al., 2004).
The placement and timing of gambling advertisements, which may encourage the
perception that gambling is harmless fun with no negative consequences, and result in
increased participation rates, need to be regulated to reduce the exposure of youth to
gambling products. Research on alcohol advertisements confirms the importance of
advertisement timing and placement. For example, youth recalled many more television
commercials for alcohol aired during sporting events and on late-night television
programs popular among youth (Wyllie, Zhang, & Casswell, 1998). In response to
concerns about the negative consequences of alcohol and tobacco advertising, regulations
have been implemented, with some observed success, that prevent these products from
being prominently advertised in places viewed by youth. Following a reduction in
alcoholic beverage advertising in the US, the incidence of alcohol problems, including
binge drinking and alcohol involvement in fatal crashes, decreased amongst young people
(Hacker & Stuart, 1995). Similar effects have been found internationally with an analysis
of data from 20 countries over a 26-year period (Saffer & Dave, 2002), indicating that
advertising bans resulted in decreased alcohol consumption amongst youth.
Some regulations have been enacted to limit the advertisement of gambling products. For
example, in the UK, general advertising of gambling products was banned in multiple
forms of media, and casinos and bookmakers have been banned from advertising on
television before 9 p.m. (Office of Public Sector Information, 2005). However,
campaigns for bingo, the National Lottery, and sports betting during televised sporting
events remain (Office of Public Sector Information, 2005). Australian regulations have
also restricted the principle gaming agency TAB from all advertising on television and
other media, while still allowing them to print race dividends in the newspaper
(Totalizator Regulation, 2005). These exceptions permitted by regulators provide the
message that some forms of gambling are acceptable, undermining attempts to reduce the
exposure of minors to gambling. Enabling youth to view gambling advertisements may
result in increased gambling participation or recruitment of youth as future players.
Therefore, gambling advertisements should not be permitted to be shown during
television and radio timeslots primarily accessed by children or adolescents, or advertised
where they may be frequently viewed by youth, including on billboards, on public
transport, and in print publications where a prominent proportion of readership are
minors. Reducing the exposure of youth to these advertisements should reduce the
normalisation of gambling as an acceptable, risk-free activity.
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Point of sale
Point-of-sale advertising is designed to target consumers at the place of purchase by
drawing attention to the advertised brand. Typically, point-of-sale materials are placed
alongside soft drinks, candy, magazines, and chewing gum — all products that are
seemingly innocuous and that appeal to the young consumer. Cigarette point-of-sale
advertisements have been shown to increase positive brand user imagery amongst
primary-school children (Donovan, Jancey, & Jones, 2002), which is particularly
concerning given that these advertisements are placed directly in the situation where
products can be purchased and, hence, increase the likelihood of impulse purchasing.
Studies in the US and the UK have found adolescents are frequently exposed to and recall
point-of-sale advertisements for cigarettes, which has been associated with brand
preference and likelihood of smoking (MacFadyen, Hastings, & MacKintosh, 2001;
Schooler, Feighery, & Flora, 1996; Wakefield, Ruel, Chaloupka, Slater, & Kaufman,
2002). In recognition of the impact of point-of-sale advertising on youth, this marketing
strategy for cigarettes has been banned in a number of countries, including Australia,
Canada, Ireland, and New Zealand. Similar effects have been found for point-of-sale
marketing techniques of gambling products; one study demonstrated that the majority of
adolescents surveyed reported viewing lottery ticket promotions at counters of local
convenience stores and that this recall was associated with greater intent to purchase
(Felsher et al., 2004). Given the effect of point-of-sale advertising on children and
adolescents, it is recommended that this form of marketing be restricted from display in
all stores entered by minors.
Sponsorship of sports
Corporate sponsorship remains an effective form of indirect advertising which shapes
attitudes by glamorising products, builds public goodwill towards the company, and
associates potentially harmful products with healthy positive images, in addition to
diminishing the effectiveness of health-promotion programs, especially those aimed at
youth (Maher, Wilson, Signal, & Thomson, 2006). The effect of sports sponsorship on
children is demonstrated by findings that different cigarette brands were most popular
with children aged 12 to 14 in each of the three Australian states surveyed. In each state,
children preferred the brand that sponsored their state's major league football competition
(Pritchard, 1992). In recognition of this research, legislation has been enacted in various
jurisdictions, including the UK, Canada, and Australia, prohibiting tobacco companies
from sponsoring sporting events (Tobacco Act, 1998; Tobacco Advertising and
Promotion Act, 2002; Tobacco Advertising Prohibition Act, 1992).
However, sports sponsorship is increasingly being viewed as a central marketing platform
for gaming companies, with multiple options to reach consumers and large sums of
money invested. For example, the Channel 4 coverage of the 2005 Ashes Cricket Series
was sponsored by Betfair, an online betting site in the UK (Adlaw by Request, 2007).
Sponsorship deals in Premier League football increased from 2006 to 2007 by 25% to
approximately £70 million, which included deals between multiple online casino
operators. These deals include brand promotion on team uniforms and replica uniforms
(adult and child sizes), including club shirts, the most popular merchandise sold to fans.
The FA Premier League National fan survey of 1995 suggested that three out of ten
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(30%) fans find products associated with their club 'more attractive', with younger fans
being much more strongly affected (FA Premier League, 1995).
Some regulations regarding the sponsorship of sporting events by the gaming industry
have been introduced. For instance, in the UK the use of logos and promotional material
on merchandise designed for children, including sports shirts, has been banned (Office of
Public Sector Information, 2005). However, these restrictions do not apply to sponsorship
deals signed prior to September 2007, resulting in a plethora of children's club
merchandise available, including shirts, sneakers, shorts, and socks, displaying brands of
gambling companies. The prominent exposure for gambling companies obtained through
sports sponsorship poses a direct risk to youth at a developmental age that makes them
susceptible to influence. This risk is significantly higher for young males given that
sports are more popular amongst this group.
Of particular concern is the involvement of gaming companies in the sponsorship of
youth sporting events. In 2006/2007, the North Carolina State Lottery spent more than
US$385,000 on advertising and sponsorships at university sports events, prompting
political discourse over the ethics of associating gambling and athletics (Curliss, 2007). A
New Zealand study of the most popular sports played by 5- to 17-year-olds at national,
regional, and club levels found gaming companies, including gaming machine trusts,
were the most common sponsor (Maher et al., 2006). Several of these sponsors included
naming rights of teams, which is noted with concern due to the increased commercial
exposure as well as the normalisation of their products (Maher et al., 2006).
Although sponsorship provides valuable income to support sporting teams and events,
other funding options are possible. For example, following a ban on tobacco sponsorship
in Australia, compensatory funding was provided by state governments by imposing an
additional tax on the wholesale price of tobacco (Crompton, 1993). Alternatively,
companies could provide money to a blind government-managed trust in order that
sponsorship funds could still be supplied to sporting teams, and corporations and trusts
could still act with charitable intentions, while the sporting team is not linked with any
particular gaming association (Maher et al., 2004). Companies and trusts that principally
generate their revenue from gambling should be banned from promoting or advertising
their name or products, including the use of naming rights, branding, and logos through
the sponsorship of sporting teams and events.
Promotional products
Promotional items include hats, T-shirts, posters, and other products that feature a brand
name or company logo or slogan. According to the elaboration likelihood model of
persuasion (Petty, Wegener, & Fabrigar, 1997) indirect forms of advertising such as in-
store promotions, use of products by celebrities, and promotional items influence
consumers through automatic, minimally attentive processes, which may be even more
effective than more directive advertising strategies at associating products with images
(such as being cool or glamorous) or good times. A study of sixth and seventh grade
children (aged 11 to 12 years) found that the odds of drinking alcohol were nearly double
for those who owned items that advertise alcohol even after controlling for other
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variables (Collins et al., 2007). This finding corroborates other alcohol research
(McClure, Clin, Gibson, & Sargent, 2006) and is consistent with research on cigarettes
(Schooler et al., 1996). It is likely that these findings would extrapolate to gambling, and
the number of products promoting gambling is increasing exponentially, including hats, t-
shirts, cards, poker sets and chips, mouse pads, and other seemingly innocuous items that
are frequently used by children and adolescents. Given the profound impact of
advertising on youth, it is recommended that products promoting gambling or gaming
companies should not be manufactured in child sizes, be available for purchase by
minors, or be given away in free promotions or as prizes.
Celebrity endorsements
The use of celebrities to endorse and add credibility to gaming brands is becoming
increasingly popular amongst the major operators. Popular female celebrities, including
Caprice (UK actress/supermodel), Brooke Burke (America's best-selling calendar model
and hostess of popular E!'s Wild on…), and Nikki Cox (star of the popular weekly
television show Las Vegas), endorse online gambling sites in promotions and
advertisements that undoubtedly appeal to young males and encourage youth to engage in
gambling activities. Popular entertainers and sports stars endorse products by appearing
in traditional media advertisements as well as wearing branded merchandise available for
consumer purchase, including clothing, shoes, and hats, and even temporary tattoos, as in
the case of boxer Bernard Hopkins, who advertised Golden Palace's online casino site on
his shirtless back during a title match (Iole, 2007). The widespread international Texas
Hold ’em craze has resulted in an increased use of professional gamblers to endorse
gambling as a legitimate form of entertainment and a potential career, resulting in a large
number of adolescents aspiring to be professional gamblers.
Research demonstrates that when celebrity endorsements are used, advertisements are
more believable, message recall is enhanced, brand recognition improves, and positive
attitudes about brands result. As well, a potentially profound increase in the profitability
of endorsed products may result (Friedman & Friedman, 1979; Kamins, Brand, Hoeke, &
Moe, 1989; Mathur, Mathur, & Rangan, 1997; Petty, Cacioppo, & Schumann, 1983).
Social learning theory (Bandura, 1977) holds that youth are developmentally establishing
their independence and identity and are heavily influenced by role models, making them
particularly susceptible to celebrity endorsements. Research demonstrates that young
people frequently adopt certain self-images, lifestyle patterns, and purchasing decisions
based on observation of individuals presented in the media (Lockwood & Kunda, 1997).
These vicarious role models can have a significant effect on the career aspirations,
educational choices, and self-views of young adults (Bush, Martin, & Bush, 2004). A
study of kindergarten children revealed that children who were shown a videotaped
model winning in a gambling activity took significantly more risks when they played
than those shown a losing player (Tremblay, Huffman, & Drabman, 1998). Subsequently,
the use of professional gamblers who win millions of dollars through gambling (e.g.,
Chris Moneymaker, World Series of Poker Champion) to promote Web sites or online
gambling products may encourage youth to engage in risky gambling behaviour.
Endorsements of gambling and gambling products from individuals who are likely to
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appeal to youth and increase the likelihood of youth gambling involvement should be
limited.
Use of Internet advertisements
Online gambling is increasing at a dramatic rate, with worldwide revenue reportedly
rising from US$8.5 billion in 2004 to US$10.9 billion in 2005 (eMarketer, 2005), with no
end in sight. The involvement of youth in online gaming appears to be increasing, with
recent prevalence studies reporting 6% to 9% of high school students (McBride, 2006;
Rainone & Gallati, 2007) reporting to have gambled for money on the Internet in the past
year. This demonstrates an increase from 3.6% in 2005. Additionally, over half of those
surveyed reporting play on “practice” sites (MacKay, 2005; McBride, 2006). Adolescents
who bet online are more likely to be problem gamblers, have lower grades, engage in
delinquent activities, abuse alcohol and illicit drugs, and take medication for depression
and anxiety (MacKay, 2005). In addition to the apparent increase in adolescents gambling
online for money, the high use of practice sites is of considerable concern as, relative to
money sites, these have an over-inflated payout rate (Griffiths & Parke, 2004; Sevigny,
Cloutier, Pelletier, & Ladouceur, 2005), which may lead youth accustomed to winning to
switch to the money sites, where they do not experience the same success. There is
evidence to suggest that the possibility to play without money makes games more
attractive, reduces barriers to play, and may undermine attempts to quit (Blaszczynski,
Sharpe, & Walker, 2001). Furthermore, free gambling sites have been identified as
fostering future gambling problems and are frequently accessed by adolescents identified
as at-risk for gambling problems or already experiencing gambling problems
(Derevensky, 2005).
There are some restrictions in place to regulate the advertisement of gambling sites. For
example, advertising Internet gambling is considered an illegal activity by the US Justice
Department (Heydary, 2005). Nevertheless, advertisements for free sites appear
frequently on Internet sites as well as on television, in magazines, on billboards, and on
radio stations that value and target a youth audience. While these commercials stress the
fun and “educational” nature of the sites, they have been referred to as a “Trojan Horse
strategy” used by online gambling companies to acquire players who will eventually
transfer to the real-money gambling sites (Moses, 2006). A recent study of adolescents
found that 93% had seen pop-up promotions for gambling sites and 61% had received
spam gambling emails (Derevensky et al., 2007). Amongst a sample of British young
adult online gamblers, 40% cited advertising and 21% cited practice games as a primary
reason to gamble online (Griffiths & Barnes, 2007). Advertisement for both gambling
Web sites and practice Web sites should be subject to the same regulations described for
advertisement of gambling products. In addition, free or practice sites should be
prohibited from containing advertisements and direct links to online gambling sites and
should have the same payout rates as actual gambling sites.
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M-gaming
In addition to online gambling, wireless technology is increasingly being utilised as a
vehicle by which to gamble, and some have predicted the mobile gaming (M-gaming)
market to reach US$23 billion by 2011 (Juniper Research, 2006). Young users are primed
for M-gaming and at heightened risk for excessive use, as they are well familiar with the
technology (which incorporates video-game graphics), and currently download content to
their mobile phones. It is a relatively easy transition from playing games that are free to
playing games involving money or from paying money for a ringtone to buying a lottery
ticket or placing a bet. Marketing of M-gaming to young people could result in instances
of problem gambling where youth spend more than they can afford, chase losses, and
increase amounts wagered. Already many adolescents experience financial difficulties
arising from excessive mobile phone use (Australian Communications Authority, 2004;
Griffiths & Renwick, 2003), and schools report that inappropriate use of mobile phones
during classes is leading to increased distraction and disruption amongst students, thus
reducing educational outcomes (Hill, 2000). Given the difficulties in regulating the age of
individuals using mobile phones to gamble, efforts need to be taken to restrict wireless
gaming companies from marketing to youth. Online and wireless gambling companies
should be prohibited from advertising via SMSi alerts to mobile phones.
Content and features of gambling advertisements
Misleading content of advertisements
In reports by the Canadian National Council for Welfare (1996) and the US National
Gambling Impact Study Commission (1999), researchers were particularly troubled by
the large number of gambling advertisements that were deceptive or misleading, with
little or no reference to the actual odds of winning. There is ample research suggesting
that children and adolescents learn more about alcohol from television and advertising
than from such other sources as family and schools, leading them to be more
knowledgeable about brands of beer than potential health risks associated with drinking
(Austin & Nach-Ferguson, 1995; Johnston, O'Malley, & Bachman, 1996; Wallack,
Cassady, & Grube, 1990). It is reasonable to extrapolate that the portrayal of gambling in
the media and in advertisements has a similar effect on youth. Griffiths (2005) describes
the use of advertising slogans in the UK that encourage people to think they have a good
chance of winning the jackpot (“It could be you”) and play upon people's charitable
instinct (“Everyone's a winner”). Similar themes are found in other jurisdictions: for
example, fostering thoughts of social success (Loto-Quebec's advertising slogan “It pays
to be nice to people who play 6/49”) or emphasising luck over hard work (New York
Lottery's “All you need is a dollar and a dream” and Massachusetts's State Lottery's
slogan “Work is nothing but heart-attack-inducing drudgery”; Griffiths, 2005). These
advertisements encourage irrational beliefs commonly held by youth who view a near
loss as a near win (Kassinove & Schare, 2001) and are misleading as they suggest the
probabilities of winning are greater than they are.
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Gambling is also presented as an alternative to hard work and sensible investing, and
instead promotes luck, instant gratification, and entertainment (e.g., New York's “All you
need is a dollar and a dream” advertisement; Griffiths, 2005). The use of marketing
campaigns promoting gambling as a way of securing an ideal, easy, immediate future has
been viewed as particularly dangerous when viewed by youth who may neglect other
important pursuits, including employment and academic studies, to gamble (Griffiths,
2005; National Gambling Impact Study Commission, 1999).
The National Gambling Impact Study Commission (1999) concluded that messages in
lottery advertisements were oriented towards particularly vulnerable segments of the
population, specifically youth. This is confirmed by research showing that 33% of
adolescents perceived that they were the primary target of gambling commercials, while
others noted that promotions target youth as future participants in gambling activities
(Derevensky et al., 2007). Numerous advertisements portray gambling as a glamorous
lifestyle, filled with excitement and a sense of fantasy. These images can lure individuals
by convincing them that a sensational and successful lifestyle is easily achieved through
gambling.
Although adolescents possess the cognitive abilities to comprehend and evaluate
advertising, at this developmental stage they are more persuaded by the emotive content
of commercials that play into their concerns regarding appearance, self-identity,
belonging, and sexuality (Story & French, 2004). Evidence of adolescents' cognitive
processing of advertisements is shown in research findings suggesting that although
many adolescents report being aware that messages promoted are unrealistic, they are
still heavily influenced by them (Derevensky et al., 2007). Korn (2005) reported the
messages adolescents perceived from marketing campaigns are that gambling is
enjoyable and entertaining, it is easy to win, anyone can win, it is rewarding and life-
changing, and it benefits society. The motivations reported as leading youth to gamble —
fun and excitement, possible financial gain, lifestyle or status attainment, and a way to
facilitate socialising — directly paralleled the messages obtained from advertisements.
Given that both alcohol and tobacco advertisements have been shown to considerably
influence adolescents' smoking and drinking behaviours, attitudes, and intentions (Grube
& Wallack, 1994; Hastings & Aitken, 1995; Villani, 2001), it may well be that gambling
advertisements are similarly effective. Furthermore, it is important to consider the
developmental aspects that influence the way children and adolescents understand and
comprehend advertisements. Multiple studies have documented that young children have
little understanding of the influential objective of advertising (John, 1999; Kunkel &
Gantz, 1993; Strasburger, 2001). Young children (below the age of eight) typically view
advertising as fun and entertaining and do not consider the possible biases of the
information presented (John, 1999). Given their level of cognitive development, young
children are particularly vulnerable to misleading advertisements (John, 1999).
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