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This study attempts to answer the research question, Does living with grandparents influence minority language maintenance among grandchildren? The conventional three-generation model of language shift portrays a shift occurring from one generation to the next. However, this model overlooks the ties between nonconsecutive generations and implies that minority language loss occurs between parents and children and that grandparents are superfluous. Using the Census 2000 Supplementary Survey (C2SS), I examine the role of grandparents in minority language maintenance among their grandchildren. The findings of this study suggest that living with non-English-speaking grandparents influences grandchildren's minority language use in multigenerational households. In particular, the presence of non-English-speaking grandmothers has a stronger effect on grandchildren's minority language use than does the presence of grandfathers. This study contributes to the understanding of the three-generation model of language shift, especially the role of grandparents in multigenerational households.
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MINORITY LANGUAGE USE
AMONG GRANDCHILDREN IN
MULTIGENERATIONAL HOUSEHOLDS
HIROMI ISHIZAWA*
University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
ABSTRACT:
This study attempts to answer the research question, Does
living with grandparents influence minority language maintenance among
grandchildren? The conventional three-generation model of language shift
portrays a shift occurring from one generation to the next. However, this
model overlooks the ties between nonconsecutive generations and implies
that minority language loss occurs between parents and children and that
grandparents are superfluous. Using the Census 2000 Supplementary Sur-
vey (C2SS), I examine the role of grandparents in minority language main-
tenance among their grandchildren. The findings of this study suggest that
living with non-English-speaking grandparents influences grandchildren’s
minority language use in multigenerational households. In particular, the
presence of non-English-speaking grandmothers has a stronger effect on
grandchildren’s minority language use than does the presence of grandfa-
thers. This study contributes to ther understanding of the three-generation
model of language shift, especially the role of grandparents in multigenera-
tional households.

Immigrants who arrived in the United States in the late 1800s and the early 1900s
from Europe experienced a rapid intergenerational language shift. The immigrant
generation spoke very little English, while the second generation was bilingual in
English and a non-English language but preferred English. The third generation
spoke English only, and they completed the language shift that occurred across
generations (Fishman 1972; Lieberson and Curry 1971; Veltman 1983, 1988).
During the twentieth century, the origins of the foreign-born population shifted
from Europe to Latin America and Asia. By 2000 about one half of the foreign-
born population was from Latin America and one-fourth from Asia. The shift pro-
duced increases in the number of Spanish speakers: 59.9 percent of non-English
speakers spoke Spanish at home by 2000 (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2000). Alba et
al. (2002) applied a three-generation model of language shift to the “new immi-
grants” (i.e., Asians and Hispanics) and found that Asians are experiencing an
* Direct all correspondence to: Hiromi Ishizawa, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, Department of
Sociology, 326 Lincoln Hall, 702 S. Wright St., Urbana, IL 61801; e-mail: hiromi@uiuc.edu.
Sociological Perspectives, Vol. 47, Issue 4, pp. 465–483, ISSN 0731-1214, electronic ISSN 1533-8673.
© 2004 by Pacific Sociological Association. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photo-
copy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions website, at
http://www.ucpress.edu/journals/rights.htm.



466
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume 47, Number 4, 2004
intergenerational language shift at a pace similar to that of the early European
immigrants. However, descendants of Spanish speakers are slower than others to
shift their language use to only English.
While individual-level characteristics of immigrants and their descendants
have been found to influence the use of a non-English language and English abil-
ity (e.g., Alba et al. 2002; Bean and Stevens 2003; Espenshade and Fu 1997; McCon-
nell and LeClere 2002; Mutchler and Brallier 1999; Oropesa and Landale 1997;
Stevens 1985, 1992, 1999), few studies have included family and household char-
acteristics. Stevens (1985) found that children living with one or two foreign-born
parents are more likely to learn a non-English language than those with native-
born parents. She also found that when parents’ non-English mother tongues
match, children are more likely to learn a non-English language. Oropesa and
Landale (1997) showed that bilingualism and English monolingualism are less likely
among Latino children in large families and subfamilies. Similarly, Espenshade
and Fu (1997) found a negative relationship between the size of the household and
English ability among immigrants. The presence of a nonparental adult who speaks
a non-English language in a household increases the likelihood of a child speak-
ing a non-English language controlling for parents’ intermarriage (Alba et al. 2002).
Family and household characteristics have been found to be important in
explaining the use of a non-English language and English ability of immigrants
and their descendants. However, whether grandparents influence the minority
language maintenance of grandchildren in multigenerational households has not
yet been studied with nationally representative survey data. Therefore, using the
Census 2000 Supplementary Survey (C2SS), this study extends previous findings
on family and household context effects on individual’s language use by examin-
ing the characteristics of coresiding grandparents and how they influence the lan-
guage use of grandchildren. The aim of this study is to answer the research ques-
tion, Does living with grandparents influence minority language maintenance
among grandchildren?
By addressing the effects of residing with grandparents, this study addresses
several assumptions of the three-generation model of language shift that have not
been fully discussed elsewhere. First, this model portrays a shift occurring from
one generation to the next, implying that minority language loss occurs between
parents and children. However, it overlooks the ties between nonconsecutive gen-
erations and assumes grandparents do not reside with the other two generations.
Thus the intersecting communication among multiple generations within a house-
hold is not addressed. This omission is particularly significant given the evidence
on the living arrangements of immigrants. Glick (2000) found that recent immi-
grants are more likely to live in extended households than are their native coun-
terparts, while holding socioeconomic status constant. Age and duration of resi-
dence in the United States have an effect on the likelihood of living in extended
households among immigrants. Young immigrants are more likely to live in hori-
zontal extended households, which consist of family members from the same gen-
eration, whereas older immigrants are likely to live in vertical extended households,
which consist of more than one generation. Because residence of young immi-
grants in horizontal extended households tends to be temporary, their middle


Minority Language Use among Grandchildren in Multigenerational Households
467
adult years are characterized by living in nonextended households. However,
older immigrants reside in vertical extended households permanently, which sug-
gests that multigenerational living arrangements are relatively common for immi-
grant families.
Second, the three-generation model of language shift also implies that the
sequence of migration begins with the grandparents’ generation, and therefore
language shift occurs in the sequence of generations. However, there are many
different migration patterns. For example, some immigrant families consisting of
multiple generations arrive in the United States as one family unit. Refugees often
migrate as a family unit rather than form a family through the consecutive arrival
of individuals and subfamilies (Hein 1993).
Because the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 favors family reunifica-
tion over other categories of admission (e.g., employment preference), adult chil-
dren may move to the United States before their family members. Later they can
sponsor their family members, such as parents, spouse, or children, for immigra-
tion. This is one of the family migration types, referred to as family stage migra-
tion (Hondagneu-Sotelo 1994). From 1986 to 2001 more than half of all legal immi-
grants were granted legal permanent residence in the United States under either
the family sponsored category or immediate relatives of United States citizens cat-
egory, excluding the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) category.1 The
largest source of immigrants to the United States is Mexico, and nearly half of the
Mexican men migrated before or without either a wife or a parent (Cerrutti and
Massey 2001). Also, Waters (1997) found that migration takes place sequentially
among many immigrant families from the Caribbean. Migration often starts with
a mother under an occupational visa, and her children and husband come to the
United States later. These migration patterns imply that migration does not always
start with the grandparent’s generation, and non-English-language use may be
maintained with subsequent generations.
GRANDPARENTS AND GRANDCHILDREN IN THE UNITED STATES
Living Arrangements—Generational Composition
The proportion of grandchildren2 below age eighteen living in grandparent-
maintained households was 3.2 percent in 1970 and rose to 5.3 percent in 2000
(U.S. Bureau of the Census 2001a). In 2000 about one-third of children in grand-
parent-maintained households lived without their parents present in the house-
hold. This is often referred to as the “skipped-generation household,” in which
grandparents are often sole or primary caregivers (Fuller-Thomson, Minkler, and
Driver 1997; Goodman and Silverstein 2001). The factors contributing to this phe-
nomenon are parent death, teen pregnancy, AIDS, drug use among parents, a
rapid increase of single-parent households, divorce, child abuse and neglect,
incarceration of parents, and legal and policy changes favoring kinship care over
other replacement arrangements (Bryson and Casper 1999; Minkler 1999). Chil-
dren living with only father present or only mother present in households main-
tained by grandparents increased by 171 percent and 104 percent respectively


468
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume 47, Number 4, 2004
since 1970, while children living with both parents in grandparent-maintained
households has increased by 41 percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2001a).
The 2000 census results indicated that among all households, 3.7 percent (3.9
million) are multigenerational households (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2001b).3
Sixty-five percent of the 3.9 million households are grandparent maintained, and
33 percent are parent maintained.4 The remaining 2 percent are four-generation
households. Simmons and O’Neill (2001) suggested that multigenerational house-
holds are more likely to exist in areas where new immigrants live with their rela-
tives, where there are high housing costs or a housing shortage, or where many
single mothers live with their children in their parents’ house.
Immigrants who recently arrived in the United States, who were age sixty or
older on arrival, and who have limited ability in English are more likely to live in
multigenerational households (Wilmoth 2001). In particular, older Asian and His-
panic immigrants are more likely than their non-Hispanic white counterparts to
live with their families. Lubben and Becerra (1987) showed that Mexican elderly
are less likely than whites to live alone, and this is more so for the Mexican elderly
who speak Spanish only. They explain this as a combination of both culture and
necessity since limited English-language ability generally lowers economic status.
Role of Grandparents
As children grow and develop, they experience a socialization process in which
they learn norms, beliefs, and values that are socially expected as members of a
society or a particular social group (Elkin and Handel 1989). Family is the first
context for children’s socialization, and these patterns differ by families’ social class,
ethnic group, religion, composition, and community of residence. The researchers
on family agents of child socialization have mainly focused on mother, father, or
siblings (Elkin and Handel 1989; Lamb 1997).
Tinsley and Parke (1984) emphasized the potential importance and diverse roles
played by grandparents in family functioning and child development, and there-
fore the degree of involvement may differentiate the place of grandparents in the
child’s life. Cherlin and Furstenberg (1986) extended Tinsley and Parke’s study by
assessing whether this potential importance of grandparents in grandchildren’s
socialization does in fact become evident. They concluded that grandparents do
not significantly affect grandchildren’s socialization and explained that this find-
ing is conditioned by the “norm of noninterference.” Grandparents have neither
the right nor the obligation to be actively involved in the socialization of grand-
children since the middle generation is the mediator of the two generations. How-
ever, there are a few exceptions. Grandparents’ role becomes visible when problems
arise for children, such as parents’ divorce (Cherlin and Furstenberg 1986). In
addition, grandparents who live close to their grandchildren are actively involved
in the day-to-day life of family and therefore play an important role in children’s
life (Cherlin and Furstenberg 1986). There are also cultural differences in the norm
of noninterference. Kennedy (1990) found that black college students expect grand-
parents to be active in rearing grandchildren, whereas white college students’
attitudes are consistent with the norm of noninterference. Mexican American


Minority Language Use among Grandchildren in Multigenerational Households
469
grandparents tend to believe that they have an important role in rearing grand-
children (Sotomayor 1989).
One of the socialization roles fulfilled by grandparents is family historian,
whereby they transmit ethnic heritage, values, family traditions, and family his-
tory to their grandchildren, either through the middle generation or through
direct contacts. Barresi (1987) suggested that because they serve as family histori-
ans, the role of grandparents is more salient in ethnic minority groups than in the
dominant culture. Kamo (1998) described the historian role of grandparents as
particularly important for “ethnic” socialization of children because children of
immigrants face a dual culture (the dominant U.S. culture and their ethnic cul-
ture). Through ethnic socialization by grandparents, children may learn a minor-
ity language, a religion, a history of an ethnic group, or values that differ from
that of the dominant culture.
Furthermore, language acquisition is a part of the socialization process of chil-
dren. Young children acquire knowledge and practice linguistic and social skills
through interactions with older or more experienced persons (Garrett and Baque-
dano-Lopez 2002). Through language socialization, they learn cultural values,
beliefs, and the social orders (Schiefflin and Ochs 1986). The language acquisition of
a child is influenced not only by dyadic interaction with her or his parents but also
by other family members (Lewis 1984). The child-parent dyad is embedded in larger
family contexts that consist of siblings or grandparents who directly or indirectly
influence the child’s language acquisition. Observation and imitation of other
family members are an indirect way of acquiring the language spoken at home.
There are some important factors that affect the interaction between grandchil-
dren and grandparents, each of which may have implications for children’s lan-
guage use. First, the middle generation (i.e., parents) is often a mediator in grand-
parent-grandchild interaction; therefore, the role of grandparents is partially
dependent on the extent to which parents mediate their relationship (Tinsley and
Parke 1984; Whitbeck, Hoyt, and Huck 1993). Assuming that parents mediate the
interaction between grandparents and grandchildren, how does language use play
out? Studies have found that the patterns of parents’ ethnic and linguistic inter-
marriage are associated with children’s language use (Stevens 1985; Stevens and
Swicegood 1987). Children of ethnically exogamous marriages (i.e., in which par-
ents do not have the same ethnicity) are less likely to speak a non-English lan-
guage than those of ethnically endogamous marriages (i.e., in which parents’ eth-
nicities match). Moreover, when parents’ non-English mother tongues match
(linguistic homogamy), children are more likely to speak a non-English language
than when parent’s non-English mother tongues do not match (linguistic heterog-
amy) (Stevens 1985). How parents mediate the relationship and the role of grand-
parents is possibly more important for grandchildren living with linguistically
intermarried parents. Importantly, however, the value transfer is not always
mediated by the middle generation. For example, Ishii-Kuntz (1997) found that
Japanese American grandchildren learn “Japanese” culture directly from their
grandparents. Kamo (1998) explains that while the second-generation Japanese
tried hard to fully assimilate into American society in the 1930s and 1940s, the
third-generation Japanese Americans tried to restore their cultural identity during


470
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume 47, Number 4, 2004
the 1960s and 1970s. In this generation-skipping value transfer, grandparents play
a significant role.
The way in which gender influences the relationship between grandparents
and grandchildren is another important factor. Regarding multigenerational rela-
tions, the gender of grandparent, gender of grandchild, and kin-link of grandpar-
ent (maternal or paternal) have been of interest in previous research (Spitze and
Ward 1998; Thomas 1995). Typically, women are viewed as the family “kin-keepers,”
maintaining relations between and within generations, and the succession of the
kin-keeping role descends through the female line (Rosenthal 1985; Rossi and
Rossi 1990). Also, women are more likely than men to be caregivers, and maternal
grandmothers provide more assistance than do paternal grandparents. In contem-
porary American society, there are of course differences in the characteristics among
elderly (e.g., ethnic groups, socioeconomic status, or cohort-specific experiences).
In general, however, elderly women maintain kinship relations. Therefore, it may
be that elderly women are likely to influence, and be influenced by, members of
the younger generations, since they have more interaction with their kin (Glass,
Bengtson, and Dunham 1986). Furthermore, the kin-link of grandparents may be
an important factor in the non-English-language use of grandchildren.
DATA AND METHODS
I use the Census 2000 Supplementary Survey (C2SS) data (U.S. Bureau of the Census
2002) in this study. The C2SS is a survey of approximately 700,000 households in
1,203 counties in the United States. It provides demographic, socioeconomic, and
housing information collected by using some of the questions from the decennial
census long form. This supplementary survey was the largest household survey
ever conducted by the U.S. Bureau of the Census, other than the decennial census.
The sample population for this study is children age five to seventeen living
with at least one foreign-born parent or grandparent. “Foreign-born” refers to a per-
son whose place of birth is not the United States. “Native-born” refers to a person
whose place of birth is the United States, or a U.S. outlying area, such as Puerto Rico.
The reason that sample selection is based on nativity of parents and grandparents
is that the focus of this study is to examine an effect of grandparents on grandchil-
dren’s non-English-language use, particularly children who live with immigrant
family members. The language-related questions were asked only of those five
years old and above. Thus children younger than five are not included in this study.
The total number of children age five to seventeen in the C2SS data is 68,973,
and they are linked to their parents and grandparents by using the “relationship
to a householder” variable. A child file was created first, and then the household,
parents’, and grandparents’ characteristics were attached to each child.5 The num-
ber of children who are linked with their parents and/or grandparents is 67,028
(the rest of the 1,945 children were not living with their parents or grandparents).
Among linked children, 10,117 live with at least one foreign-born parent or grand-
parent in a household and have the relationship to a householder of son or
daughter or grandchild.6 I randomly selected one child from each household, and
the final sample size for this study is 5,962.


Minority Language Use among Grandchildren in Multigenerational Households
471
I use logistic regression to analyze the effect of grandparents on grandchildren’s
non-English-language use at home. To examine the role of grandparents on chil-
dren’s minority language maintenance, children are grouped into three types of
living arrangements: (1) children who live with parents only (n 5,232), (2) chil-
dren who live with parents and grandparents (n 636), and (3) children who live
with grandparents only (n 94).7 In addition to the main interest of the study (i.e.,
children in three-generation and skipped-generation households), I include chil-
dren in two-generation households. Because a two-generation household is the
most common living arrangement among children, examining how parents influ-
ence children’s language use in these households offers insight into the influence
of grandparents in three-generation and skipped-generation households.
Measures
The dependent variable measures whether a child speaks a non-English lan-
guage at home. It is a dichotomous variable with the outcome categories of 1 (speak
a non-English language at home) and 0 (speak only English at home). Unfortu-
nately, neither the C2SS nor the decennial census long form includes a question on
the fluency in a non-English language spoken at home. Thus my analysis is
unable to provide the grandparent’s effect on the grandchild’s fluency in a non-
English language.
Independent variables used in the analyses describe characteristics of the child,
the child’s parent(s), the child’s grandparent(s), and the household.8 Variables
describing child characteristics include age, a continuous variable measured in
years; gender, a dummy variable coded 1 boy and 0 girl; nativity, a dummy
variable coded 1 foreign born and 0 native born;9 and Hispanic origin, a
dummy variable coded 1 Hispanic and 0 non-Hispanic. I include a Hispanic
origin variable because some studies have found that the Hispanic population
experiences slower intergenerational language shift than other groups (Alba et al.
2002; Lopez 1996).
A variable describing the characteristics of a child’s parents is the presence of
non-English-speaking parents, a dummy variable coded 1 one or two non-
English-speaking parents and 0 no non-English-speaking parents. The linguis-
tic intermarriage variable10 for parents has five categories: linguistically homoga-
mous marriages (i.e., parents who share the same non-English language) of
Spanish, Asian, or “other” languages, linguistically heterogamous marriages (i.e.,
parents who do not share the same non-English language), and parents who
speak only English. The reference category is linguistically heterogamous married
parents. Since children living with linguistically heterogamous married parents
are less likely to learn a non-English language (Stevens 1985), parents in linguisti-
cally heterogamous marriages are less likely to have a positive effect on children’s
non-English-language use than those in linguistically homogamous marriages. I
include the English only category in the linguistic intermarriage variable, because
since the children are selected based on the presence of at least one parent or
grandparent who was born in a non-English-speaking country, there are some
parents who speak only English despite their nativity. Those parents may have


472
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume 47, Number 4, 2004
shifted their language use from a non-English language earlier in life or may have
spoken English all their lives.
There are two variables describing the characteristics of grandparents. A vari-
able describing the presence of non-English-speaking grandparents; a dummy
variable coded 1 if one or more non-English-speaking grandparents and 0 if no
non-English-speaking. With the hypothesis that grandparents have a differential
role in grandchildren’s minority language maintenance than other adults (exclud-
ing parents), this variable may show a stronger effect than the presence of non-
English-speaking other adults. The variable for kin-link of grandparents is a
dummy variable coded 1 if all grandparents are maternal and 0 if all grandparents
are paternal.11
A variable describing a child’s household characteristic is the total number of
non-English-speaking “extra” adults at home, which is a continuous variable. The
extra adults are those other than parents and grandparents.
RESULTS
Table 1 shows descriptive statistics12 for the dependent and independent vari-
ables. The proportions of children who speak a non-English language at home dif-
fer slightly by the three types of living arrangement. About 70 percent of children
in two-generation and three-generation households speak a non-English lan-
guage at home, whereas a little more than half of children in skipped-generation
households speak a non-English language. In two-generation and three-generation
households the proportion of non-English-speaking parents and grandparents
ranges from 83 to 84 percent. In skipped-generation households 76 percent of
grandparents speak a non-English language.
About one-fourth of children in two-generation households are foreign born,
and similarly one-fifth of children in three-generation households are foreign
born. Half of children in two-generation households are Hispanic origin, whereas
for children in skipped-generation households, the proportion is about one-third.
Table 2 shows the characteristics of grandparents who live with their own
grandchildren.13 More than half of the grandmothers and grandfathers are linked
to their grandchildren through the grandchildren’s mother. The majority of
grandparents, from 76.16 to 90.49 percent, are foreign born.
The following are results of the multivariate analyses.14 First, all children are
analyzed together to see the effects of living arrangements on child’s non-English-
language use. As Table 3 shows, children living with only their parents are less
likely (b .287) and children living with only their grandparents are less likely
(b .686) than children living in a three-generation household (the reference
category) to speak a non-English language at home. This result indicates that liv-
ing with both parents and grandparents contributes to the non-English-language
use of grandchildren in three-generation households. The difference between
three-generation households and two-generation households may be explained
by the presence of grandparents. The following analyses further examine the
effect of grandparents.
Table 4 shows the estimates of logistic regression coefficients of the child speak-


Minority Language Use among Grandchildren in Multigenerational Households
473
TABLE 1
Descriptive Statistics of Dependent and Independent Variables, by Living Arrangement
Child with
Child with
Child with
Parents and
Grandparents
Parents Only
Grandparents
Only
Two-generation
Three-generation
Skipped-generation
Percent
Percent
Percent
Dependent variable
Speak non-English language
(NEL) (yes 1)
69.36
71.22
53.39
Child
Agea (in years)
10.58 (3.77)
9.69 (3.61)
10.70 (3.85)
Gender (boy 1)
51.45
52.92
49.28
Nativity (foreign-born 1)
25.06
21.16
15.81
Hispanic origin (yes 1)
50.35
44.40
34.77
Parents
Speak NEL (yes 1)
83.33
84.23

Linguistic intermarriage
Spanish
46.49
41.97

Asian
9.89
11.49

Other
16.59
21.40

English
16.67
15.77

Not match
10.36
9.37

Grandparents
Speak NEL (yes 1)

84.35
76.25
Household
Number of other adults
.40 (.84)
.67 (1.16)
.30 (.63)
speak NELa
Weighted N
4,553,250
527,950
73,050
Unweighted N
5,232
636
94
a Mean value. Numbers in parentheses are standard deviation.
ing a non-English language at home. Across the three living arrangements, foreign-
born children are more likely to speak a non-English language at home than are
native-born children. The coefficient for Hispanic origin is in a positive direction,
suggesting that Hispanic-origin children are more likely to speak a non-English
language at home than are non-Hispanic-origin children. However, this Hispanic-
origin effect is not found for children living in skipped-generation households.
The presence of any non-English-speaking parents, grandparents, and other
adults in a household increases the likelihood of a child speaking a non-English
language. First, living with parents who speak a non-English language has the
strongest effect. In the three-generation model, the odds (i.e., the antilog of the logis-
tic regression coefficient) of a child speaking a non-English language are 18.77
(e2.932) times higher in the households with one or two non-English-speaking par-
ents than those in the households with only English-speaking parents. Second,


474
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume 47, Number 4, 2004
TABLE 2
Characteristics of Grandparents Living with their Grandchildren, by Living Arrangement
Child with Parents and
Child with Grandparents
Grandparents
Only
Three-generation
Skipped-generation
Weighted N (Unweighted N) Weighted N (Unweighted N)
Grandmother
450,603 (538)
71,683 (89)
Grandfather
253,880 (291)
56,350 (77)
Age
Mean (SD)
Mean (SD)
Grandmother
63.66 (10.06)
55.03 (10.93)
Grandfather
66.13 (10.80)
61.50 (8.89)
Kin-link
Percent
Percent
Grandmother
Maternal 61.59

Paternal
38.41

Grandfather
Maternal 58.20

Paternal
41.80

Nativity
Grandmother
Native born
9.51
20.08
Foreign born
90.49
79.92
Grandfather
Native born
12.15
23.84
Foreign born
87.85
76.16
Origin of foreign-born grandparents
Grandmothera
Hispanic
48.36
34.56
Asian
27.51
35.94
Other
24.14
29.51
Grandfathera
Hispanic
48.78
41.75
Asian
30.44
27.48
Other
20.79
30.77
a Total does not sum to 100.0 because of rounding.
having one or more non-English-speaking grandparents increases the odds of a
child speaking a non-English language by 5.78 (e1.755) in the three-generation
model. Third, having other non-English-speaking adults in the household increases
the odds of a child speaking a non-English language by 1.47 (e.385) in the three-
generation model. These results support the hypothesis that having coresiding
non-English-speaking grandparents contributes to child minority language main-
tenance and that grandparents play a role that differs from other adults living in
the same household. In two-generation households, the presence of non-English-
speaking parents has a positive and strong effect on a child’s non-English-language

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