One Message for Many Audiences: Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

One Message for Many Audiences: Framing the Death of
Abu Musab al-Zarqawi



____________________

Z. S. Justus

Aaron Hess
____________________




June 23, 2006

Report #0605

Consortium for Strategic Communication

Arizona State University











Consortium for Strategic Communication is a strategic initiative of the Hugh Downs School
of Human Communication at Arizona State University. It promotes advanced research, teaching,
and public discussions of the role of communication in combating terrorism, promoting national
security, and improving public diplomacy. For additional information or to become involved in
one of our working groups, visit our website: http://www.asu.edu/clas/communication/about/csc/


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One Message for Many Audiences:
Consortium for Strategic Communication

Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Globalization and telecommunications technology have made every
message global. The consequence of this phenomenon is that when the
United States makes announcements concerning the Global War on
Terrorism a global, rather than a local audience, receives the message.
While similar messages may circulate in different areas throughout the
globe, the messages interact with national and/or cultural traditions that
result in different types of message interpretation.
Using Entman’s (2003a; 2003b) Cascading Activation Network model we
charted the news of Zarqawi’s death, specifically the photographs of his
death, as those messages reached different audiences. The news was
interpreted in a wide variety of ways by a great number of actors. For
example, Jihadi leadership and media moved quickly to proclaim him as a
martyr through the reframing of the photographs of his body in an attempt
to continue their campaign of terror. In this analysis, we trace the story of
Zarqawi’s death through three media outlets: the mainstream United States
press, Al-Jazeera, and Jihadi media. We offer a modification of the
Entman model and three policy recommendations to assist in adapting
messages for a global audience.
First, we urge policy makers to accept that messages are global. Policy
makers must consider if/how messages and images could be re-
appropriated by individuals who hold an antagonistic stance toward the
United States. Our second major policy recommendation reflects the harsh
reality of a global media environment. Policy makers should immediately
adopt a formal pre-release analysis and decision making process which
takes into account the likely effect of those messages on strategic cultures
such as those in the Middle East, in addition to the effect of those
messages on domestic audiences. Finally, we offer a suggestion based on
the specific issue of publicizing death photos of Jihad leaders. Decision
makers should seriously consider (1) preventing images of the dead from
mass circulation, (2) releasing information about the dead from non-US
sources, and (3) avoiding messages that portray the United States as
voyeuristic and/or barbaric.
The adoption of these three message strategies provide a framework that
accurately reflects the reality of global communications. In addition, the
third recommendation will have a positive impact in the specific scenario
of releasing information concerning dead Jihadi leaders. Together, these
policy recommendations represent general principles and a specific
application of those principles that will help the United States win the
Global War on Terrorism.

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One Message for Many Audiences:
Consortium for Strategic Communication

Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

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BACKGROUND
The United States does not normally publish photographs of citizens or
soliders who die in war. There have been exceptions. For example, in
response to questions concerning the publication of the death photos Uday
and Qusay Hussein Secretary Rumsfeld commented “It is not a practice
the United States engages in on a normal basis" (Hedges, 2003, p. A23).
Publication and mass circulation of death images is a complicated subject
that some critics believe is covered under the Geneva Convention code
prohibiting the publication of photographs of prisoners of war. Others
advocate the practice when it demonstrates the loss of a major political
figure or terrorist leader.
Despite the general prohibition on publication of photos of war casualties
the United States elected to make public certain photos in the Global War
on Terrorism. The first notable exception occurred when the Department
of Defense allowed Uday and Qusay Hussein to be photographed in July
2003. According to government officials the publication of the
photographs was justified because “there was no other, less graphic, way
to prove to people that the potential heirs of Saddam's Baathist regime
were gone” (Hedges, 2003, p. A23). In addition, the photos were said to
provide “higher troop morale, more intelligence from Iraqi people and
irrefutable evidence that Saddam's tyranny is over” (Manly, 2003, p. 004).
This highly controversial media event served as a preview of the more
recent publication of photos of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. On June 8th, 2006,
the US military, killed al-Zarqawi in a coordinated coalition effort.
Locating Zarqawi in a safe house near the town of Baqubah, the U. S. Air
Force dropped two 500-lb. bombs on the house. Following the strike, Iraqi
Police discovered Zarqawi, who survived for an additional 52 minutes. His
death was seen as a success for the Bush Administration and for the war
effort in Iraq because one of the terrorist masterminds and leaders had
been eliminated and additional leads on al-Qaeda in Iraq were found in a
“treasure trove” of information amongst the rubble. In announcing the
death of Zarqawi, Army Major General William B. Caldwell led a press
conference detailing the strike and subsequent identification of the body.
In doing so, Caldwell displayed maps of the area where the safe house was
located, video of the air strike, and images of the deceased Zarqawi.
The Media Response
In reaction to the display of Zarqawi’s body, various news outlets noted
that images of his death were “gruesome” (Adams, 2006, p. 12), a
“trophy” (Kennicott, 2006, p. C01), and even “sanitised” (Nason, 2006, p.
10). The mixed responses highlight the complexity of the global media
stage, where information and images travel faster than ever. Editors of

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One Message for Many Audiences:
Consortium for Strategic Communication

Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

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newspapers received complaints of the graphic nature of the images
appearing on front pages, arguing that the display was expected from the
terrorist enemy, not from the United States (Diadiun, 2006). In
descriptions of the trophy-like status of the document, writers note that its
presentation in a professional mat and frame the photograph looked as
“something one might preserve and hang on the wall next to other family
portraits” (Kennicott, 2006, p. C01). Finally, the sanitization of the
photograph was noted through Caldwell’s statements that the body was
“In examining
altered before the image was obtained. Debris and blood were removed to
the prominent
make the body more presentable and in hopes of not inflaming the Islamic
news outlets, the
World (Nason, 2006). Given the mixed reviews of the photographic
story was
evidence of Zarqawi’s death, questions should be raised regarding the
disseminated
efficacy of such a display, especially in the environment of global media.
across the globe
in a matter of
In examining the prominent news outlets, the story was disseminated
minutes after the
across the globe in a matter of minutes after the initial press conference.
initial press
Al-Jazeera listed Zarqawi’s obituary in the same day, remarking about the
conference. Al-
exaggeration of his prominence (“Obituary,” 2006). On June 12th, four
Jazeera listed
days after the strike, Al-Jazeera featured a photograph of the news
Zarqawi’s
conference including the image of Zarqawi’s body (“Doubts shroud,”
obituary in the
2006). Bloggers also tracked the story as it progressed. From both sides of
same day”
the political spectrum (“georgia10” at Daily Kos and Michelle Malkin’s
Blog), the story broke the same day with fellow bloggers adding to the
general commentary. With a global network of information flow, the
dissemination of details regarding the event moved at a lightning fast pace,
which means that words and images must be carefully crafted to avoid
cultural insensitivity and misinformation.
Given the policy of photographic censorship and its rare exceptions, the
notable event of the death of Zarqawi and the subsequent mass circulation
of images of his body was received with mixed results. Importantly, letters
to the editor and other news outlets questioned the use of the image due to
its graphic and trophy-like status. While the U. S. military takes cautionary
steps in the production of the image through cleaning the body, the image
and the means of execution still struck many as barbaric (“Talk back to the
media,” 2006; “Allies wrong to display,” 2006; Diadiun, 2006). Increased
global circulation of images gave them political weight and
communicative importance, especially in a global news cycle. In short,
this death image was on display, with commentary, everywhere.
We offer the following analysis. First, we discuss the nature of the global
audience vs. local audience. With the use of mass media outlets, the nature
of audience and their reception to messages has changed over the past 20
years. Second, we examine scholarship which has approached the problem
of how messages are interpreted by global audiences in various sectors of
society, including business, politics, and culture. Finally, we review the

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One Message for Many Audiences:
Consortium for Strategic Communication

Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

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work of visual communication and rhetoric scholars who have evaluated
the impact of images on diverse audiences. Our aim in this paper is to
illuminate the possible effects of image distribution within global
networks.
THE POWER OF GLOBALIZATION
Globalization has profound implications for the way information is
distributed. Smith (1999) noted that control over information is “passing
“News reports,
into the control of managements (of that information) whose outlook is
via satellite or
exclusively global” (p. 355). This change in focus is a reflection of how
the Internet,
information circulates in a media saturated global news environment. Put
reach people
another way, there is no such thing as a local message. Ward (2005)
around the world
writes:
and influence the
actions of
News reports, via satellite or the Internet, reach people around the
governments,
world and influence the actions of governments, militaries,
militaries,
humanitarian agencies, and warring ethnic groups. The reach of the
humanitarian
Al-Jazeera and CNN networks, for example, extends beyond the
agencies, and
Arab world or the American public. (p. 4)
warring ethnic
groups” (Ward,
Not only are media outlets global in scope, but they are also
2005, p. 4).
interconnected and overlapping. This produces a remarkably fluid and
rapid dissemination of information that crosses national and cultural
boundaries with little impediment. In addition, “national governments
cannot easily enforce even the modest rules some have adopted to regulate
or impede these processes” (Smith, 1999, p. 356).
The issue that both Ward and Smith hint at is that while messages are
primarily universal, audiences are not. Ward’s (2005) commentary on Al-
Jazeera’s reach beyond the Arab world is especially interesting. Al-Jazeera
is accessible on the Internet, and, more importantly it is accessible in
English. The problem we are left to grapple with is one of a single
message reaching multiple national and cultural audiences.
A Framework for Message Dissemination
Robert Entman (2003a, 2003b) proposes a model for understanding how
information is disseminated from government sources to the public.
Entman’s work is exceptional for two reasons. First, his model has been
adopted and/or cited my numerous researchers as an accurate framework
for evaluating message framing and dissemination (Byerly, 2005; Cherribi
2006; Dahiden, 2005; Jerit, 2005; Ross & Bantimaroudis, 2006; Tiley &
Cokley, 2005; Wang 2006; Wicks, 2005). Second, the model itself is
exceptional in that it not only isolates key stages of message development,

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One Message for Many Audiences:
Consortium for Strategic Communication

Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

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but also provides insight into who has influence over the message as it
changes and moves.
Administration
White House
State
Defense

Other Elites
Congress Members &

Staffers
Ex-Officials
Experts

Media

Journalists
News Organizations


News Frames
Framing Words
Framing Images


Public
Figure 1: Cascading Network
Polls

Activation Model (Entman, 2003a,
Other Indicators
p. 419)

In this model:
• Administration/Military: At this level command decisions are
made about how to deal with events.
o President Bush and Secretary Rumsfeld take advice from
staffers and make the final call about how to make
information public.
• Other Elites: Staffers, such as press secretaries, convey the
information and message agenda from the Administration and
communicate with the press.
o These elite information gatekeepers maintain a close eye on
the press and can adapt, or spin, their message accordingly.
• Media: Members of the media receive information from staffers
and other information elites. The media keep tabs on polling data
from the public as it attempts to craft a more marketable message.

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One Message for Many Audiences:
Consortium for Strategic Communication

Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

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• News Frames: This area represents the media’s crafting of a
specific message.
o News frames emphasize certain details and omit others in
an effort to mold information into a more acceptable (to the
elite stakeholders’) story.
• Public: The public receives information from press sources and
form opinions based on it and in response to it.
In short, this model provides a way to understand the stages a message
goes through (i.e., “cascades”) as it makes its way from decision makers to
the public. An important aspect of this cascading model is its portability.
Cherribi (2006) notes:
The metaphorical model of the cascade created by Robert M.
Entman in his book Projections of Power (2003b) to explain the
process of influence over the frames projected into the news about
foreign crises, public opinion, and elite thinking offers a dynamic
approach to analyze a global media outlet like Al-Jazeera. (p. 134)
Cherribi (2006) focuses his discussion on the political controversy over
the use of veils among Muslim women in France. He uses Entman’s
model and concludes “Al-Jazeera may, on the surface, look as if it offers
pluralism with its variety of programs and opinions. In the case of the veil,
however, there is only one perspective, an Islamic perspective that is to
encourage women to wear the veil” (p. 134). The important aspect of this
study is that it displays the utility of Entman’s model (2003a; 2003b) in
the context of the mass circulation of political messages throughout the
Middle East.
The diagram used above may be modified and expanded to enrich our
understanding of how single messages, such as the death of Zarqawi, can
be locally appropriated and re-interpreted by multiple audiences.
Returning to the theme from earlier—there are no local messages. We
adopt a modified version of Cerribi’s (2006) Al-Jazeera diagram to reflect
the release of information about Zarqawi’s death and provide a model of
how information flows within each media network. Compared to the
traditional cascading model proposed by Entman (2003a; 2003b) there are
many opportunities for constructing more appropriate messages for
international audiences.



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One Message for Many Audiences:
Consortium for Strategic Communication

Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

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Administration
Figure 2: Global Cascading
Military
Activation Networks Model

Other Elites

Caldwell
Press Conference

Media
Media
CNN
Media

Al-Jazeera
FNC
Jihadi Websites
MSNBC

News Frames
News Frames
News Frames

Victory in
Obituary
Martyrdom
Zarqawi Death
Minimalist

Public
Public
Public
Celebrate death
Success in
Little Effect in

Continue Jihad
GWOT
Death of Zarqawi


The right side of the diagram outlines the distribution of information along
Jihadi channels deserves further explanation:
• The first and second levels of the diagram remain the same.
Administration officials and staffers still have a degree of control
over the information that becomes public.
• At the third level, Jihadi websites are a primary mechanism of
information distribution (Corman & Schiefelbein, 2006). It should
be noted that websites/bloggers also obtain information from Al-
Jazeera and from Western news sources.
o These websites also report on and react to the actions and
beliefs of a public that is sympathetic to Jihad.
• The websites/bloggers report the news in a differing ways, but
more importantly, how they see and interpret the information is
beyond the control of Western media elites and their
spokespersons. In the case of the circulation of the death images of

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One Message for Many Audiences:
Consortium for Strategic Communication

Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

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Zarqawi, it was the release and circulation of those images that led
to his death being framed as worthy of martyrdom.
• Diverse publics receive and likely adopt the interpretation of the
more culturally and politically-aligned websites. Zarqawi’s death is
both mourned and celebrated as an act of martyrdom.
Asia Times reporter Michael Scheuer (2006) writes:
On bin Laden's side, al-Qaeda publicly will mourn Zarqawi's
death, recall him as a noble and selfless mujahid, and cite him as a
brave comrade-in-arms killed by the crusaders' high-tech aircraft
while he was armed only with faith and an AK-47. This is likely
the way many Muslims outside Iraq recall him, thanks in large
measure to the post-attack photograph US public relations officers
distributed of Zarqawi's face. (n. p.; emphasis ours)
Visuals, especially photographs, are very powerful symbolic forms of
communication and influence (Finnegan 2006; Lucaities and Hariman,
2001; Scott, 2004). The photographic information presented in a military
press conference is the exact same photographic information that appears
on a Jihadi website, but the interpretation of its meaning is entirely
dependent upon the local framing of the image within a specific cultural
and political environment. Our recommendations for navigating this
situation are the subject of the following section.
THREE GUIDELINES FOR MESSAGE CREATION IN A GLOBAL CONTEXT
1. Recognize that messages are global: Information distributed at a
military press conference is available to domestic media outlets, Al-
Jazeera, conservative and liberal blogs, and jihadi websites, all in a
Guidelines:
matter of hours.
1. Recognize that
messages are
a. When deploying messages concerning new events in the
global.
Global War on Terror, consider the impact of a various media
2. Adopt an
organizations and their ability to reframe messages in reference
independent
to their cultural politics. Use the above revised Entman model
analysis and
to predict responses to global messages.
message
coordination
b. Absolute control over the message is impossible. Craft
process.
messages that result in meaningful exchange. Constructing
3. Reconsider the
ambiguous messages can convey appropriate information as
release of
well as generate dialogue (Goodall, Trethewey & McDonald
images of dead
2006).
leaders.


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One Message for Many Audiences:
Consortium for Strategic Communication

Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

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2. Adopt an independent analysis and message coordination process:
The unfortunate reality of global media is that it is impossible to please
everyone with one message due to different religious/cultural/national
circumstances. Situations will present themselves when the release of
information will please one group, but cause others to grow uneasy.
We suggest that in these unfortunate circumstances the government
should adopt a consistent media strategy that focuses on the needs of
strategic cultures (such as the Middle East) rather than other options.
3. Reconsider the release of images of dead leaders: Photos of the
death of Zarqawi are seen as signs of progress in the GWOT for
domestic audiences, but the larger global audience did not interpret
them in the same way. Part of recognizing the reality of global media
is accepting that messages must be crafted for a global audience, as
well as a domestic one, and that the messages, media strategies, and
reinforcement mechanisms are likely to require far more complexity
and subtlety than is currently in place.
a. Due to the current low credibility status of the United States
government (Corman, Hess, and Justus, 2006) utilize third-
party credible sources to release controversial information and
images and to confirm the validity of the diplomatic and
military acts used to obtain them. In the Zarqawi example, it
may have been more politically useful to for the newly elected
Iraqi government officials to release the story of his death.
b. Avoid the perception that the United States engages in barbaric
practices. The display of Zarqawi’s body has been compared to
the beheading videos, which he orchestrated, and which make
the U.S. military actions symbolically equivalent to those
barbaric acts. In all things symbolic, avoid media tactics that
allow the comparison between Jihadi organizations and the US
government.
c. If and when Osama bin Laden is located, if he cannot be
captured alive, avoid symbolic displays of his death which
support his ascension to martyrdom. If he is found alive, use a
more culturally-sensitive approach to releasing the story and
any accompanying photos to demystify his status as the leader
of al-Qaeda by publicizing his accountability to the
international justice system.

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One Message for Many Audiences:
Consortium for Strategic Communication

Framing the Death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi

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