U.S. CHILDREN IN SINGLE-MOTHER FAMILIES

Data Brief
MAY 2010
BY MARK MATHER, PH.D.
U.S. CHILDREN IN
SINGLE-MOTHER FAMILIES
In the United States, the number of children in
Today, nearly one-fourth (24 percent) of the 75 mil ion
single-mother families* has risen dramatical y over
children under age 18 lives in a single-mother family
the past four decades, causing considerable con-
(see Table 1, page 2). Of the 18.1 mil ion children
Seven in 10 children
cern among policymakers and the public. Research-
living with a single mother
in single-mother families, 9.2 mil ion are under 9
are poor or low income,
ers have identified the rise in single-parent families
years of age. Although single-father families have
compared with less than
(especial y mother-child families) as a major factor
increased in recent years, single-mother families still
a third of children living in
driving the long-term increase in child poverty in the
account for the overwhelming majority of children
other types of families.
United States. The effects of growing up in single-
living in single-parent homes. However, the likeli-
parent households have been shown to go beyond
hood of having a single mother varies widely across
economics, increasing the risk of children dropping
dif erent racial/ethnic groups. About one-sixth (16
out of school, disconnecting from the labor force,
percent) of white children live in single-mother
and becoming teen parents. Although many children
families, compared with one-fourth (27 percent) of
growing up in single-parent families succeed, others
Latino children and one-half (52 percent) of African
wil face significant chal enges in making the transi-
American children.
tion to adulthood. Children in lower-income,† single-
24% parent families face the most significant barriers to During the past 30 years, there has been a steady
success in school and the work force.
increase in the share of single mothers who have
of the 75 mil ion children
never been married, and a drop in single mother-
under age 18 lives in a
The purpose of this brief is to summarize the cur-
single-mother family.
hood resulting from divorce or separation. Stil ,
rent social and economic situation of children in
in 2009, more than half of al single mothers (53
single-mother families in the United States, and to
percent) have been previously married. Among white
compare the characteristics of single-mother families single mothers, two-thirds (66 percent) have been
across dif erent racial and ethnic groups. Despite
previously married, compared with nearly half (48
Ensuring that single
the volumes of research available on this topic, there
percent) of Latino single mothers and a third (34
mothers have access to
are stil many misconceptions about single-mother
percent) of African American single mothers.
education, job training,
families based on outdated or anecdotal information.
quality child care, and
Here are some of the key facts based on the latest
These CPS-based figures are cause for concern,
equal wages are some
data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Popula-
but also overstate the overal prevalence of single-
of the ways to ensure
children’s successful
tion Survey (CPS).
mother families. A growing share of children—7
transitions to adulthood.
percent in 2008—live in households headed by
During the 1970s and 1980s there was a rapid
cohabiting domestic partners. Thus, there is a grow-
increase in single-mother families, leading to numer-
ing number of children classified as living in “single-
ous national and state policy initiatives aimed at
mother families” who are actual y residing with two
strengthening marriage. In fact, one of the primary
parents. Although children in cohabiting-partner
goals of welfare reform legislation was to “encour-
families can benefit from the economic contributions
age the formation and maintenance of two-parent
of two potential caregivers, these unions tend to
families” as a means of improving outcomes for kids.
be less stable and have fewer economic resources
Despite these ef orts, the share of single-mother
compared with married couples.
families has been remarkably stable since the mid-
1990s and has remained at record high levels.
*In this brief, single-mother families are defined as families headed by a female with no spouse present—living with one or more own, never-married children
under age 18. In 2009, there were about 18.1 million children in the United States living in single-mother families. Single-mother families are a subset of female-
headed families, which include mother-child families as well as children in the care of grandparents or other relatives. In 2009, there were 19.6 million U.S. chil-
dren residing in female-headed families.
†Families are defined as “poor” if their total income is less than 100 percent of the official poverty threshold (about $22,000 for a family of four) and “low income”
if income is less than 200 percent of the poverty threshold (about $44,000 for a family of four). Estimates of poverty and low-income status are based on
income received during the previous calendar year.

---

TABLE 1
Living Arrangements of U.S. Children by Age Group, 2009
ALL CHILDREN
CHILDREN AGES 0-8
(IN THOUSANDS)
PERCENT
(IN THOUSANDS)
PERCENT
Al children
74,510
100.0
37,490
100.0
In married-couple families
49,560
66.5
25,192
67.2
In single-parent families
21,702
29.1
11,081
29.6
Single-mother families
18,090
24.3
9,229
24.6
Single-father families
3,612
4.8
1,852
4.9
In other female-headed families
1,556
2.1
547
1.5
Other living arrangements
1,691
2.3
670
1.8
Source: PRB analysis of the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2009 Current Population Survey.
Poverty in Single-Mother Families
in single-mother families were poor or low income. At the state
level, 81 percent of young children in single-mother families in
Most single-mother families have limited financial resources
Michigan were low income, compared with 84 percent in New
available to cover children’s education, child care, and health
Mexico and 87 percent in Mississippi. Single mothers with young
care costs. Seven in 10 children living with a single mother are
children tend to have less education and work experience,
poor or low income, compared to less than a third (32 percent)
resulting in lower wages among those women.
of children living in other types of families. While part of the prob-
lem is fewer potential earners in female-headed families, many of Given their low family incomes, children with single mothers
these families are also at a disadvantage because of problems
make up the majority (54 percent) of poor children in the United
col ecting child support payments from absent fathers. In 2007,
States and a disproportionate share of children in low-income
only 31 percent of female-headed families with children reported
families (42 percent). However, in the context of high unem-
receiving child support payments during the previous year. It is
ployment rates and low wages, there is a growing number of
especial y difficult for young, never-married mothers to col ect
married-couple families with insufficient income to lift themselves
child support because many of the fathers in this situation have
out of poverty.
very low wages.
There are also important dif erences by race/ethnicity (see Figure
For younger children ages 0 to 8, results are even more strik-
1). While just over a third (35 percent) of low-income white
ing. In 2008, over three-quarters (77 percent) of young children
children live in single-mother families, two-thirds (66 percent) of
low-income African American children live in such families. The
share of low-income Asian American children in single-mother
FIGURE 1
families is only 21 percent, about half the national average.
Low-Income Children Living in Single-Mother Families,
by Race/Ethnicity, 2009
Overal , white children account for the largest share of children
living in single-mother families (38 percent), fol owed by African
Percent
66
Americans (31 percent) and Latinos (25 percent). However,
among low-income children in single-mother families, 34 percent
are African American, 31 percent are white, and 28 percent
51
47
are Latino (see Figure 2, page 3). This mosaic of single-mother
42
families with dif erent racial, ethnic, and national backgrounds—
35
35
some parents divorced or separated, others never married or
cohabiting—creates a chal enge for policymakers, who need
21
to recognize the dif erent paths to single motherhood and the
unique needs of children in dif erent types of families.
All
White*
African
American
Asian/
Other
Latino
The rapid increase in Latinos and Asians in the United States
Children
American* Indian/
Pacific
Race*
Alaska
Islander*
is changing the racial/ethnic composition of the U.S. popula-
Native*
tion and could af ect future trends in single-parent families. The

*Non-Hispanic.
children of immigrants, whose parents are mostly from Latin
Source: PRB analysis of the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2009 Current Population Survey.
2 www.prb.org
U.S. CHILDREN IN SINGLE-MOTHER FAMILIES

---

FIGURE 2
FIGURE 3
Distribution of Children by Family Type and Income,
Selected Characteristics of Single Mothers Ages 18-64,
2009


by Low-Income Status, 2009

All Children
Percent
56
22
14
8
61
56
Children in Single-
52
Mother Families
38
25
31
7
43
Children in Low-
38
40
Income Single-
31
28
34
6
Mother Families
30
White*
Latino
African American*
Other Race*
16

*Non-Hispanic. Other race groups include Asian Americans, American Indians, and those
who selected more than one race.
Source: PRB analysis of the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2009 Current Population Survey.
Never Married
Ages 18-34
High School
Unemployed
Degree or Less
or Not in
Labor Force
Below 200% Poverty
200% Poverty or Higher
America and Asia, are more likely to live in married-couple
families compared with children in U.S.-born families. Therefore,
Source: PRB analysis of the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2009 Current Population Survey.
as the number of Latinos and Asians increase relative to other
racial/ethnic groups, the share of single-mother families could
single mothers are much more likely to work in the service sec-
stabilize or decrease over time.
tor (41 percent) compared to single mothers in higher-income
families (17 percent).
Low Wages, Few Benefits
This combination of maternal characteristics puts children in
Three-fourths of al single mothers are in the labor force, and
lower-income single-mother families at high risk of negative out-
single mothers have slightly higher labor force participation rates
comes compared to their counterparts in higher-income families.
than women in married-couple families. However, single mothers A large number of lower-income single mothers have become
are more than twice as likely to be unemployed (13 percent),
“disconnected” from education and work. Given the current
compared with mothers in married-couple families (5 percent);
state of the job market, these single mothers are at high risk of
and the majority of employed single mothers—62 percent—are
remaining jobless and poor, with little hope of pul ing themselves
working in lower-wage retail, service, or administrative jobs that
out of poverty.
of er few benefits.
Redefining Single-Mother Families
Despite high rates of labor force participation, more than
one-fourth (27 percent) of single mothers do not have health
Single mothers face serious economic chal enges, which may
insurance. Among those who are insured, two-fifths are covered
explain the growing number of single mothers living with cohabit-
by public insurance programs. In contrast, over 90 percent of
ing partners, parents, or other relatives. Increasingly, single-
insured mothers in married-couple families have private health
mother families seem to be adopting alternative and flexible living
insurance coverage. Coverage rates are important because
arrangements “as an adaptive response to economic hardship.”
children without continuous health insurance coverage are
These new living arrangements are redefining what it means to
more likely to have unmet health needs and less likely to receive
live in a single-mother family. Changes in family structure also
preventive care.
raise questions about how we should measure income and
poverty in single-mother families. For example, there is grow-
What characteristics of low-income single mothers distinguish
ing recognition that the official poverty measure is inappropri-
them from single mothers with more financial resources?
ate because it does not account for income contributions from
Low-income single mothers are more likely to be young, never
unmarried partners and other (unrelated) household members.
married, less educated, and unemployed. Over half of low-
income single mothers (52 percent) are under age 34, compared Federal data sources are often inadequate for measuring
with 38 percent of higher-income single mothers (see Figure 3).
children’s complex living arrangements. We have good informa-
Three-fifths (61 percent) of low-income single mothers have not
tion about children living with their biological parents but less
attended col ege, compared with two-fifths of single mothers
is known about those living with unmarried parents, cohabit-
in higher-income families. Low-income single mothers are also
ing domestic partners, grandparents, or other relatives. It is
more than twice as likely to be unemployed or not in the labor
important to note that because Census Bureau surveys are
force (43 percent) compared to their higher-income counterparts
household-based, they exclude contextual factors such as
(16 percent). And among those who are employed, low-income
ef ects of neighborhood conditions and schools, which can have
U.S. CHILDREN IN SINGLE-MOTHER FAMILIES
www.prb.org
3

---

important ef ects on children’s day-to-day lives as wel as their long-
References
term education success and economic wel -being. In addition, data
1 John Iceland, “Why Poverty Remains High: The Role of Income Growth,
on children in single-mother families are col ected national y but are
Economic Inequality, and Changes in Family Structure, 1949-1999,”
often insufficient for targeting programs and services for children in
Demography 40, no. 3 (2003): 499-519.
local communities.
2 Sarah McLanahan and Gary Sandefur, Growing Up With a Single Parent: What
Hurts, What Helps (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994).
Many single mothers have been resilient in the context of welfare
3 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children
reform and more recently, during the severe economic recession.
and Families, Office of Planning, Research, and Evaluation, “VII. Formation and
Maintenance of Two-Parent Families,” accessed at www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/
But single mothers are disproportionately unemployed, or work-
ofa/data-reports/annualreport6/chapter07/chap07.htm, on Nov. 3, 2009.
ing in low-wage jobs with few benefits, and children growing up in
4 Lynne M. Casper and Suzanne M. Bianchi, Continuity and Change in the
single-mother families remain among the most vulnerable children in
American Family (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2001): 100-101.
the country. While neighborhood characteristics, schools, and peer
5 Annie E. Casey Foundation, KIDS COUNT Data Center, accessed at http://
networks play important roles in children’s development, parents con-
datacenter.kidscount.org/data/acrossstates/Default.aspx, on Nov. 3, 2009.
tinue to provide the major source of social and economic support in
6 Wendy D. Manning and Daniel T. Lichter, “Parental Cohabitation and Children’s
children’s lives. Ensuring that single mothers have access to educa-
Economic Wel -Being,” Journal of Marriage and Family 58, no. 4 (1996): 998-
1010; and Wendy D. Manning, Pamela J. Smock, and Debarun Majumdar, “The
tion, job training, quality child care, and equal wages are some of the
Relative Stability of Cohabiting and Marital Unions for Children,” Population
ways to ensure children’s successful transitions to adulthood.
Research and Policy Review 23, no. 2 (2004): 135-59.
7 Annie E. Casey Foundation, KIDS COUNT Data Center.
Acknowledgments
8 Anne C. Case, I-Fen Lin, and Sara S. McLanahan, “Explaining Trends in Child
Support,” Demography 40, no. 3 (2003): 171-89.
Mark Mather is associate vice president of Domestic Programs at the
9 Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s
Population Reference Bureau. The author thanks staf at the Com-
2008 American Community Survey Public Use Microdata Sample. These
munications Consortium Media Center, the W.K. Kel ogg Foundation,
estimates may not be comparable to those based on CPS data because of
different methods of data col ection.
and the Population Reference Bureau for reviewing this publication.
10 U.S. Census Bureau, “Table 4. Poverty Status of Families, by Type of Family,
Financial support was provided by the W.K. Kel ogg Foundation.
Presence of Related Children, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 1959 to 2008,”
accessed at www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/histpov/hstpov4.xls, on April
21, 2010.
11 Mark Mather, “Children in Immigrant Families Chart New Path,” PRB Reports on
America (Washington, DC: Population Reference Bureau, 2009).
12 Lynn M. Olson, Suk-fong S. Tang, and Paul W. Newacheck, “Children in the
United States With Discontinuous Health Insurance Coverage,” The New England
Journal of Medicine 353, no. 4 (2005): table 4, accessed at http://content.nejm.
org/cgi/content/ful /353/4/382/T4, on Sept. 25, 2009.
13 Rebecca Blank, “How Can We Reduce the Rising Number of American Families
Living in Poverty?” accessed at www.brookings.edu/testimony/2008/0925_
poverty_reduction_blank.aspx, on Nov. 3, 2009.
14 Daniel T. Lichter and Zhenchao Qian, “Marriage and Family in a Multiracial
Society,” The American People (New York: Russel Sage Foundation and
Population Reference Bureau, 2004): 19-20.
15 Rebecca Blank, “How to Improve Poverty Measurement in the United States,”
accessed at www.brookings.edu/papers/2008/06_poverty_blank.aspx, on Nov.
3, 2009.
16 National Research Council and Institute of Medicine, From Neurons to
Neighborhoods: The Science of Early Childhood Development, ed. Jack P. Shonkoff
and Deborah A. Phil ips (Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 2000).
17 Casper and Bianchi, Continuity and Change in the American Family.
POPULATION REFERENCE BUREAU
The Population Reference Bureau INFORMS people around the world
about population, health, and the environment, and EMPOWERS
them to use that information to ADVANCE the wel -being of current
and future generations.
www.prb.org
POPULATION REFERENCE BUREAU
1875 Connecticut Ave., NW
202 483 1100 PHONE
Suite 520
202 328 3937 FAX
Washington, DC 20009 USA
popref@prb.org E-MAIL
U.S. CHILDREN IN SINGLE-MOTHER FAMILIES

---